{"id":85864,"date":"2025-02-13T14:01:25","date_gmt":"2025-02-13T14:01:25","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/peraltafinancing.com\/activist\/how-trans-rights-activists-and-sex-workers-solidarity-emerged\/"},"modified":"2025-02-13T14:01:25","modified_gmt":"2025-02-13T14:01:25","slug":"how-trans-rights-activists-and-sex-workers-solidarity-emerged","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/fivemor.com\/?p=85864","title":{"rendered":"How trans rights activists and sex workers\u2019 solidarity emerged\u2026"},"content":{"rendered":"<p> <br \/>\n<br \/><img decoding=\"async\" src=\"https:\/\/www.tcocdn.com\/tco\/images\/Huck\/Huck_Illo_Shoulder_To_Shoulder_1920X1080_250114.jpg\" \/><\/p>\n<div>\n<p>The first time I wrote about <a href=\"https:\/\/www.huckmag.com\/article\/how-the-cost-of-living-crisis-is-endangering-sex-workers\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">sex work<\/a> activism was before I\u2019d ever done sex work myself. Before long, I was marching through the streets of London\u2019s <a href=\"https:\/\/www.huckmag.com\/article\/shot-in-soho-exhibition-william-klein-anders-peterson\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Soho<\/a> with hundreds of protestors, brandishing signs with slogans like NO BAD WHORES, JUST BAD LAWS and SEX WORK IS WORK. It quickly became clear to me that sex work activism is inherently anti-carceral, anti-borders, pro-decriminalisation, but there was one chant in particular that fascinated me: \u2018No TERFs, no SWERFs.\u2019<\/p>\n<p>These acronyms stand for Trans-Exclusionary Radical Feminists and Sex Worker-Exclusionary Radical Feminists respectively, but they\u2019re misnomers: there\u2019s nothing \u2018feminist\u2019 about their politics. Their goal is to police who deserves access to safety and human rights, punishing so-called \u2018bad\u2019 women in the process. Here, a caveat: not all trans people are sex workers. Yet, as the, No TERFs, no SWERFs, chant highlights, pearl-clutching campaigners often hate trans communities just as much as they hate workers selling sex for survival. As\u00a0a result, there\u2019s a truly radical history of solidarity that\u2019s ripe for excavation.<\/p>\n<p>Here, let\u2019s travel back in time to 1970s Marin County, a picturesque pocket of Northern California surrounded by sprawling, verdant redwoods. The area had made national headlines at the beginning of the decade, when a high-profile courtroom shoot-out made it a key battleground for the Black Panthers. Already, radicals had built tight-knit communities in Marin County, with feminist, anti-racist and queer campaigners often living in close proximity to each other. Yet one woman in particular was laying the foundations for an early sex workers\u2019 rights movement.<\/p>\n<p>Margo St James, born in 1937, spent her childhood driving tractors and milking cows on her father\u2019s dairy farm in rural Washington, but she fled the rural life in her mid-teens, leaving behind her husband and to set up a new life in <a href=\"https:\/\/www.huckmag.com\/article\/memories-of-san-franciscos-1990s-radical-lesbian-scene\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">San Francisco<\/a>. St James initially worked in after-hours clubs to make ends meet, but she had never actually sold sex when she was arrested in 1962. Despite this fact, she was charged both with \u2018soliciting in prostitution\u2019 and \u2018keeping or residing in a house of ill fame\u2019. Famously, she defended herself by telling the trial judge that she had \u2018never turned a trick in her life\u2019; in the judge\u2019s eyes, St James\u2019s knowledge of sex workers\u2019 lingo \u2013 which she\u2019d gained through interactions with sex workers in the clubs where she\u2019d worked \u2013 was enough to justify conviction on both counts.<\/p>\n<p>Never one to be defeated, St James enrolled in night classes at a law school; before long, she\u2019d learned enough to successfully appeal her conviction. However, this injustice sparked a political flame within St James, which eventually led to a lifetime dedicated to activism.<\/p>\n<p>When St James moved to Marin County in 1970, she found herself surrounded by like-minded activists. \u2018I socialised with\u00a0the housewives who were participating in consciousness-raising groups,\u2019 she wrote, in the foreword for 1989 sex work anthology <em>A Vindication of the Rights of Whores<\/em>. \u2018Elsa Gidlow, a lesbian poet, lived next door and used to push feminist literature under my door.\u2019<\/p>\n<p>The fight for sex workers\u2019 rights has always been linked to the struggles of other marginalised groups. Its core message is that nobody should be criminalised for the work they do to survive when their alternatives are so shitty. Don\u2019t abolish sex work, abolish the conditions \u2013 poverty, discrimination, precarity \u2013 that continue to make it a viable lifeline for those who rely on it. When whorephobic campaigners rally to shut down <a href=\"https:\/\/www.huckmag.com\/article\/up-close-and-powerful-photos-of-club-onyx-legendary-strip-club-houston\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">strip clubs<\/a>, they argue that sex workers should get another job. Let\u2019s think critically about this: how many jobs in the world are <em>good<\/em> jobs? The kind which offer childcare to single mothers or flexible hours for anyone struggling with chronic fatigue or long-term health conditions? What about if you don\u2019t have formal education under your belt, or you don\u2019t want to contend with potential ableism, racism, misogyny and transphobia? What then? Talking about sex work means talking about criminalisation, migration, structural injustice. Unsurprisingly, it sits within a wide nexus of leftist activism.<\/p>\n<p>This is especially true of sex worker activism and <a href=\"https:\/\/www.huckmag.com\/topic\/trans-rights\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">trans rights<\/a>. As we have established, not all trans people are sex workers, yet trans communities \u2013 trans women in particular \u2013 are overrepresented in sex work, largely because a lack of healthcare means paying extortionate prices to go private. Sex work can be a means to make that cash quickly, all the while cashing in on society\u2019s fetishisation of trans bodies. St James was seemingly aware of these links, and set about making her activist efforts queer-inclusive from the get-go.<\/p>\n<p>St James was specifically inspired by \u2013 and played a key role in \u2013 an organisation named WHO (Whores, Housewives and Others). \u2018\u201cOthers\u201d meant lesbians but it wasn\u2019t being said out loud yet, even in those liberal bohemian circles,\u2019 she explained. At the time, St James was cleaning houses and getting to know the local housewives. \u2018I saw the way all these [marginalised groups] were treated,\u2019 she said in a 2013 interview with <em>Bitch Media<\/em>. So, she brought them together. \u2018The housewives, especially, were really excited to meet the whores, so I invited them all over for a little meeting,\u2019 she recalled. \u2018A couple of the women even traded places for a few days. I thought it went really well!\u2019<\/p>\n<p>At the time, marginalised groups across Marin County had come to trust the newly appointed sheriff, Richard Hongisto, known locally for his liberal values. Ironically, St James actually became a sex worker after being wrongfully charged; she began seeing clients periodically in order to pay her bills. Yet she\u2019d also gained plenty more first-hand experience in the way sex workers were criminalised and, over the years, she\u2019d been appalled by the so-called \u2018prostitute stings\u2019 she saw on a regular basis. In late 1972, she saw an upscale brothel raided by policemen decked out in riot gear. \u2018[They seemed] high, really up, turned on, their eyes sparkling, nostrils flaring,\u2019 she wrote in an account of that night, which ended with the brothel\u2019s madam either falling or being pushed out of a third-storey window onto a cement courtyard. Street sex workers weren\u2019t safe either; they were seen as a scourge on the landscape, so laws sought to push them underground, into dangerous working conditions. St James raised these issues with Hongisto when she bumped into him at a party. In her words, she \u2018cornered him in a hot tub\u2019 and asked what would need to be done to protect sex workers. He responded bluntly: \u2018Someone from the\u00a0victim class has to speak out. That\u2019s the only way the issue is going to be heard.\u2019<\/p>\n<p>St James took his words to heart. On May Day 1973, she announced the formation of COYOTE, an acronym for Call Off Your Tired Old Ethics, inspired by a \u2018coyote hunter\u2019 nick- name given to her on a wild mushroom-hunting trip. St James debuted a COYOTE letterhead featuring a howling dog along- side spiky, aggressive text, and vowed to support sex workers \u2013 especially marginalised sex workers, who faced the double bind of whorephobia combined with racism, transphobia and other forms of prejudice. Two weeks later, on Mother\u2019s Day, she announced a bail fund and the recruitment of COYOTE members, who offered legal assistance and self-defence classes to sex workers in need.<\/p>\n<p>COYOTE had a huge queer presence. Not only was St James directly inspired by the queer and trans activists that had long stood in solidarity with sex workers, these communities often shared \u2018beats\u2019 \u2013 spots to solicit, either for cruising or for street sex work. In 2021, Carol Queen, PhD \u2013 an influential sex educator affiliated with San Francisco\u2019s iconic sex store, Good Vibrations \u2013 said of St James: \u2018Because I\u2019ve been involved in the sex-positive movement, the queer movement <em>and<\/em> the sex workers\u2019 rights movement, I think about Margo as an inspir- ational figure in all three.\u2019<\/p>\n<p>In their authoritative book <em>Revolting<\/em><em> Prostitutes<\/em>, co-authors Juno Mac and Molly Smith flesh out a timeline of this shared marginalisation. They specifically look back to the Second World War archetype of the \u2018disease-ridden prostitute\u2019, scapegoated as a symbolic enemy of the state, an impure succubus looking to ensnare her victims. According to the authors, she was often depicted as an \u2018archetypal femme fatale\u2019 with a \u2018cigarette between her lips, a tight dress, and a wicked smile\u2019.\u00a0<\/p>\n<p>Smith and Mac draw parallels between \u2018these questions about the duplicity of the sexualised body\u2019 and wider discourse around \u2018queer and gender non-conforming people\u2019:<\/p>\n<p><em>Trans women are often questioned about their \u2018biological\u2019 status: a demand that invariably reveals an excessive focus on their genitals. A trans woman is constantly targeted for public harassment; at the same time, if she is \u2018read\u2019 as trans, she is seen to be threatening as a <\/em><em>man \u2013 accused of trespassing into bathrooms to commit sexual violence. Conversely, if she can pass for cisgender, she is regarded as dangerous, <\/em><em>liable to \u2018trap\u2019 someone into having sex with her unawares.<\/em><\/p>\n<p>This fascination with gatekeeping the status of \u2018womanhood\u2019 has been prevalent throughout feminist history. It\u2019s been a question of identifying the \u2018good\u2019 women \u2013 predominantly cis, white, straight, middle-class and \u2018ladylike\u2019 \u2013 who seemingly deserve protection, alienating other women in the process. The British suffragettes, for example, won the right for women to vote in 1918. However, the law only applied to property-owning women over the age of 30; it therefore excluded vast swathes of working-class women, including the most marginalised. By this logic, queer, trans and sex-working women have long been lumped into the same categories and discriminated against in similar ways. In the eyes of puritans, they\u2019re all \u2018bad\u2019 women.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>The first time I wrote about sex work activism was before I\u2019d ever done sex work myself. Before long, I was marching through the streets of London\u2019s Soho with hundreds of protestors, brandishing signs with slogans like NO BAD WHORES, JUST BAD LAWS and SEX WORK IS WORK. It quickly became clear to me that [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":85865,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[12022],"tags":[14104,18527,42252,42251,2268,11111,1636,37755,37721,15732,5437,42250,3734,7602,4056,13922,7513,1009,23568,28663,11098,11398],"dealstore":[],"offerexpiration":[],"class_list":["post-85864","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-activist","tag-activism","tag-activists","tag-anti-swerf","tag-anti-terf","tag-book","tag-coalition","tag-deep","tag-dives","tag-emerged","tag-explore","tag-extract","tag-halls","tag-history","tag-jake","tag-queer","tag-rights","tag-sex","tag-shoulder","tag-solidarity","tag-trans","tag-workers","tag-writer"],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v26.4 - https:\/\/yoast.com\/wordpress\/plugins\/seo\/ -->\n<title>How trans rights activists and sex workers\u2019 solidarity emerged\u2026 - Som2ny Network<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/fivemor.com\/?p=85864\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"How trans rights activists and sex workers\u2019 solidarity emerged\u2026 - Som2ny Network\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"The first time I wrote about sex work activism was before I\u2019d ever done sex work myself. Before long, I was marching through the streets of London\u2019s Soho with hundreds of protestors, brandishing signs with slogans like NO BAD WHORES, JUST BAD LAWS and SEX WORK IS WORK. 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