![\"\"](\"https:\/\/blogger.googleusercontent.com\/img\/b\/R29vZ2xl\/AVvXsEjUicUnroGuzsMcoOQhlAwmeShG4Tdw7r8uqcrZFKlNzdTW0eUa0syNnsrpuG2pS96HExipG_v81d2t4tRiZNX1fnpzPKtyoHAPz7W65Ko3L-CoqPxgcw8Oy0Pc7zi80zbblq9_LHHUMWGO\/w442-h324\/image.png\")
<\/a><\/div>\nTherefore,
\nas we can see a combination of the biological, especially the fossil evidences along
\nwith the artifact are all we have to imagine what might have been the past
\nhuman\u2019s lifeways. Although, it is difficult to
\npin-point how, early humans have adapted to their environment and came out of
\nthe challenges, archaeologists and palaeontologists have nevertheless gave us
\ncertain clues. Archaeologists have speculated about the lifestyles of early
\nhominins from Olduvai and other sites. Some of these speculations come from
\nanalysis of what can be done with the tools, microscopic analysis of wear on
\nthe tools, and examination of the marks the tools make on bones; other
\nspeculations are based on what is found with the tools.<\/p>\n
Archaeologists have experimented with what can be done
\nwith Oldowan tools. The flakes appear to be very versatile; they can be used
\nfor slitting the hides of animals, dismembering animals, and whittling wood
\ninto sharp-pointed sticks (wooden spears or digging sticks). The larger stone
\ntools (choppers and scrapers) can be used to hack off branches or cut and chop
\ntough animal joints.6 Those who have made and tried to use stone tools for
\nvarious purposes are so impressed by the sharpness and versatility of flakes
\nthat they wonder whether most of the core tools were really used as tools. The
\ncores could mainly be what remained after wanted flakes were struck off.
\nArchaeologists surmise that many early tools were also made of wood and bone, but
\nthese do not survive in the archaeological record. Present-day populations use
\nsharppointed digging sticks for extracting roots and tubers from the ground;
\nstone flakes are very effective for sharpening wood to a very fine point. None
\nof the early flaked stone tools can plausibly be thought of as weapons. So, if
\nthe toolmaking hominins were hunting or defending themselves with weapons, they
\nhad to have used wooden spears, clubs, or unmodified stones as missiles. Later,
\nOldowan tool assemblages also include stones that were flaked and battered into
\na rounded shape. The unmodified stones and the shaped stones might have been
\nlethal projectiles.<\/p>\n
There
\nare many prominent approaches to the understanding of the evolution of human
\nbehavior:<\/p>\n
Sociobiology:<\/b> an approach that uses
\nprinciples drawn from the biological sciences to explain human social behavior
\nand social institutions.<\/p>\n
Human behavioral ecology (HBE):<\/b> a
\nperspective that focuses on how ecological and social factors affect behavior
\nthrough natural selection.<\/p>\n
Evolutionary psychology (EP):<\/b> a
\nperspective focused on understanding the evolution of psychological mechanisms
\nresulting in human behavior.<\/p>\n
Dual-inheritance theory (DIT):<\/b> the
\nperspective that culture is evolutionarily important, that culture evolves in a
\nDarwinian fashion, and that understanding gene\u2013culture co-evolution is the key
\nto understanding human behavior.<\/p>\n
Contemporary
\nevolutionary theory has developed new understandings of the complex
\nrelationships between organisms and biological patterns not fully encompassed
\nby the four genetic evolutionary mechanisms of mutation, natural selection,
\ngenetic drift, and gene flow. Within the framework of the extended evolutionary
\nsynthesis, there is recognition of how extra-genetic inheritances,
\ndevelopmental biases, and niche construction also contribute to evolutionary
\nprocesses, all of which provide the foundations for recognizing the biocultural
\npatterns that affect human evolution. The approach presented here is known as a
\nconstructivist approach, which emphasizes that a core dynamic of human biology
\nand culture is processes of construction: the construction of meanings, social
\nrelationships, ecological niches, and developing bodies.<\/p>\n
Jablonka
\nand Lamb point out that explanations of human evolution have traditionally
\nfocused on only one system of inheritance\u2014the genetic system\u2014which relies on
\nexplanations at the level of genes. But human evolution also works in the
\nepigenetic, behavioral, and symbolic inheritance systems. One such system is
\nthe epigenetic system of inheritance: the biological aspects of bodies that
\nwork in combination with the genes and their protein products, such as the
\nmachinery of the cells, the chemical interactions between cells, and reactions
\nbetween types of tissue and organs in the body. The epigenetic system helps the
\ninformation in the genes actually get expressed, and therefore it impacts genes
\nas well as the whole body by altering an individual\u2019s physical traits.
\nOffspring may inherit those altered traits due to the past experiences of their
\nparents. In humans, epigenetic inheritance is more difficult to observe because
\nof our long life spans, genetic diversity, and the fact that we don\u2019t live in
\nhighly controlled environments. Epigenetic inheritance may be taking place,
\nhowever, in historical variations in access to food, which can result in health
\neffects on offspring.<\/p>\n
Another
\nsuch system is the behavioral system of inheritance: the types of patterned
\nbehaviors that parents and adults pass on to young members of their group by
\nway of learning and imitation. Consider birds, for example. They must learn
\nfrom their parents which foods to eat and which to avoid, since there are no
\ngenes telling them what to eat. In humans, we call these learned and patterned
\nbehaviors norms, customs, and traditions. Cross-cultural variability of human
\nnorms, customs, and traditions demonstrates the behavioral flexibility and
\nplasticity of humans, something that has long shaped the adaptive possibilities
\nof our species. We learn a wide variety of behaviors from authority figures and
\npeers simply by observing and being corrected in everyday life. We also
\nconstruct elaborate and formalized social institutions to mediate, manage, and
\ncontrol the behaviors of group members. These activities consume much of our
\nenergy, thought, worries, and creativity, but none of this activity is located
\nin any specific genetic sequences. As a result, in humans there is also a
\nsymbolic system of inheritance: the linguistic system through which humans
\nstore and communicate their knowledge and conventional understandings using
\nsymbols. This system of inheritance is intimately tied to the behavioral system
\nof inheritance. Symbols are rooted in our linguistic abilities. With some
\nexceptions, all humans are capable of learning a language. This is enabled by a
\ncertain genetic make-up that only other humans share. The actual language we do
\nlearn from our parents and peers then helps shape the way we perceive and interact
\nwith the world around us. Symbols and the meanings people attribute to them are
\narbitrary and socially constructed and are not coded in the genes. Another
\nfoundation of the biocultural perspective is the shift in thinking about
\nevolution that came with the introduction of developmental systems theory
\n(DST): an approach that combines multiple dimensions and interactants toward
\nunderstanding the development of organisms and systems and their evolutionary
\nimpact. DST focuses on the development of biological and behavioral systems
\nover time rather than on genes as the core of evolutionary processes and
\nrejects the idea that there is a gene \u201cfor\u201d anything. Evolutionary processes
\nare fundamentally open-ended and complex because they involve the ongoing assembly
\nof new biological structures interacting with non-biological structures. In
\nthis sense development comes from the growth and interaction of several
\ndistinct systems: genes and cells, muscles and bone, and the brain and nervous
\nsystem. All develop over the lifetime of the individual. Thus, evolution is not
\na matter of the environment shaping fundamentally passive organisms or
\npopulations, as suggested by natural selection theory, but consists of many
\nother developmental systems simultaneously changing over time.<\/p>\n
Human
\nevolution is thus characterized by a complex set of interactions among the
\nvarious biological systems occurring throughout an individual\u2019s lifetime, all
\ninteracting with factors like human demography, social interactions, cultural
\nvariations, language, and environmental change. These processes make it more
\ndifficult to describe our evolution but do recognize the actual complexity
\ninvolved in how human biocultural systems work. A critical aspect of our
\nbiocultural existence involves changing and constructing the world around us. A
\nniche is the relationship between an organism and its ecology, which affects
\nhow that organism makes a living within a particular environment and leads to
\nthe construction of niches. The scale of niche construction and niche
\ndestruction can occur at the narrow local level or on a global scale and can
\nchange the kinds of natural selection pressures placed on the organisms
\ninvolved. Many different types of organisms engage in niche construction.<\/p>\n
Much
\nof what we take as \u201cnatural\u201d in a landscape is actually an artifact of human
\nniche construction and its effects. That human influence over ecosystems is the
\ndefining dynamic of our world today leads a number of scholars to adopt the
\nterm Anthropocene: the geological epoch defined by substantial human influence
\nover ecosystems. Human reorganization of ecosystems creates conditions for a
\nco-evolutionary process in which humans, plants, animals, and microorganisms
\ncan mutually shape each other\u2019s evolutionary prospects. Thus, niche construction
\ncreates a kind of \u201cecological system of inheritance.\u201d These approaches go well
\nbeyond privileging genetic mechanisms as the main or sole force in evolution.
\nThey do fit well with the ways in which some researchers have long seen
\nselection interacting with environments over the course of evolutionary time
\nwithout reducing those processes to natural selection. See \u201cClassic
\nContributions: Sewall Wright, Evolution, and Adaptive Landscapes.\u201d<\/p>\n
It
\nwould be unreasonable to assume that all of the details previously discussed
\nare accepted in equal measure. But in terms of meeting the challenge of
\nconstructing a holistic biocultural perspective, which takes culture and
\nbiology equally seriously, these positions provide the basis for a productively
\ncomplicated understanding of human evolution. The constructivist approach
\nacknowledges that biocultural dynamics are open-ended and involve interactions
\nbetween diverse forces and agents. <\/p>\n
We
\ncan imagine (if not reconstruct) certain cultural aspects as shaping much of
\nwhat we are through foods we eat people we chose to mate. For example, Food taboos<\/b> are generally part of being
\nhuman, which involves imposing arbitrary symbolic divisions upon the natural
\nworld, and feeling somewhat arbitrarily that certain things are food and
\ncertain things are not food, in spite of the fact that both classes of things
\nmay be completely edible. The taboos are learned, not instinctual, because they
\nchange with the times, while still evoking diverse forms of repulsion or
\naversion. Not eating other humans is simply the food taboo that is most
\nfundamental and universal. Most food taboos are more provincial: some peoples
\neat pig meat, others don\u2019t; some peoples eat dog meat, others don\u2019t; some
\npeoples eat insects, or poisonous pufferfish, or Twinkies, or whatever weird
\nthings happen to be in their environment and might be nutritious, tasty, or fun
\nto eat. This is not a biological universe, contrasting things that are healthy
\nand filling and digestible against things that aren\u2019t; but a symbolic universe,
\ncontrasting things that are considered proper and acceptable to be eaten
\nagainst things that aren\u2019t.<\/p>\n
Symbolic
\nboundaries are fundamental to human thought, but of course they are imaginary.
\nThose boundaries are crucial to group identity, and they may be cast in terms
\nof what is considered appropriate self-adornment, or how to communicate
\nproperly \u2013 that is to say, the \u201cboundary work\u201d of culture. In this case,
\nhowever, the symbolic boundary lies not between those who wear saris and those
\nwho wear blue jeans, or between those who distinguish between the \u201cS\u201d sound and
\nthe \u201cSh\u201d sound and those who don\u2019t9 \u2013 but between those who count as human and
\nthose who don\u2019t. The rule is: Animals eat people, people don\u2019t. <\/p>\n
Not
\nonly are there certain foods that you cannot eat, even though they are edible,
\nbut there are also certain people that you cannot marry or have sex with,
\nbecause of incest taboo<\/b> even though
\nthey may be really attractive and may love you. The people who are covered by
\nthe taboo may vary somewhat from place to place. As noted above, your first
\ncousin may be either a preferred partner or a taboo partner. Your first cousin
\nmay even be both \u2013 your mother\u2019s brother\u2019s offspring and your mother\u2019s sister\u2019s
\noffspring may be considered to be different relations, one a fine mate and the
\nother incestuous. Non-blood relations may be covered by the same taboos as
\nblood relations, such as your in-laws. The Bible\u2019s incest prohibitions
\nspecifically cover a man\u2019s stepmother, aunt (i.e., uncle\u2019s wife), and
\ndaughter-in-law, even though they aren\u2019t blood relations. There are several
\nbiological consequences of this form of incest, first, this opens up an avenue
\nfor genetic diversification and prevents inbreeding, second, because one has to
\nfind mate outside of his\/her close group, one has to wait for a while which
\nhelps getting human the time needed for become physically and mentally mature,
\nthird, this stops indiscriminate sex and gives avenues for human mothers to
\nrear their children before they pregnant again. <\/p>\n
Emergence
\nof the non-sexual bond<\/b> between
\nopposite-sex siblings, which is special to humans, for it creates a new kind of
\nsocial relationship: a lifelong intimate interaction between opposite-sex
\nindividuals that is not sexual. This will be symbolically extendable in three
\nways: first, to other family members, and banning sexual relations with them,
\nonce there is a concept of the family; second, to other opposite-sex community
\nor clan members, accompanying a broader conception of kinship than just the
\nfamily, and forming the basis of exogamous marriage rules;23 and third, to
\nother generations, where the offspring of those same taboo opposite-sex
\nsiblings will be cross-cousins, and may be symbolically special, but in the
\ndirectly opposite way, as normative spouses.<\/p>\n
\n
\u00a0<\/p>\n<\/p>\n
\n
Further reading: <\/b>https:\/\/global.oup.com\/us\/companion.websites\/9780199947591\/sr\/ch9\/outline\/<\/b><\/a><\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"most anthropologists surmise that members of early Homo species, rather than the australopithecines, made those tools. After all, early Homo had a brain capacity almost one-third larger than that of the australopithecines. But the fact is that none of the earliest stone tools is clearly associated with early Homo, so it is impossible as yet […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":74026,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[11767],"tags":[3735,2737,38259,7471,1064],"dealstore":[],"offerexpiration":[],"class_list":["post-74025","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-anthropology","tag-anthropology","tag-beginners","tag-biocultural","tag-evolution","tag-human"],"yoast_head":"\n
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After all, early Homo had a brain capacity almost one-third larger than that of the australopithecines. 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