P\u00e9ter Magyar (Photo:\u00a0<\/span>M\u00e1rton M\u00f3nus\/Reuters)<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\nYesterday\u2019s Hungarian parliamentary election has delivered
\nwhat, until very recently, seemed improbable: the defeat of Viktor Orb\u00e1n and
\nhis long-dominant Fidesz party. For over a decade, Hungary has stood as the
\nclearest example within the European Union of how the structures of democracy
\ncan be steadily eroded by those in power. That this system has now been
\nchallenged\u2014and decisively so\u2014marks a turning point not only for Hungary, but
\nfor liberal democracy across Europe.<\/p>\n
P\u00e9ter Magyar and TISZA didn\u2019t just win \u2013 with over 98% of
\nvotes counted it is clear that they have won comfortably, securing at least 137
\nof the 199 seats in the national Assembly. The distribution of seats reflects a
\ndecisive rejection of the Orb\u00e1n era and Orb\u00e1nism. After years of constitutional
\nengineering, media dominance and patronage networks designed to entrench power,
\nthe system built by Fidesz has been broken.<\/p>\n
The way it has been broken \u2013 democratically, and in emphatic
\nstyle \u2013 demonstrates that even a constrained democracy can provide the means
\nfor its own renewal. <\/p>\n
Unsurprisingly, UK politicians have been offering their
\nthoughts on the result. Lib Dem leader Ed Davey said: \u201cCongratulations to the
\npeople of Hungary for showing that populist extremists can be defeated \u2013 even despite
\nDonald Trump\u2019s best efforts.\u201d<\/p>\n
Deputy leader Daisy Cooper expressed similar sentiments:
\nDelighted to see the people of Hungary vote for closer ties with Europe and
\nagainst the likes of Putin, Trump and Farage.\u201d<\/p>\n
Labour\u2019s Liam Byrne observed that \u201cOrb\u00e1n built a template
\nfor how a democratically elected leader can hollow out democracy from within,
\nbut if the authoritarian playbook model can be beaten in Hungary it can be
\nbeaten anywhere.\u201d The added that the result \u201cmatters far beyond Budapest\u201d and \u201cshould
\ngive progressives hearts everywhere.\u201d<\/p>\n
Scotland\u2019s first minister, John Swinney, called the result \u201ca
\npowerful moment for Hungary and for democratic values in Europe.\u201d<\/p>\n
The SNP\u2019s Pete Wishart didn\u2019t mince his words. He said: \u201cFantastic.
\nMaybe there\u2019s a sense that the far right are in retreat across Europe. We can
\ndo our bit in Scotland to ensure they\u2019re well beaten here.\u201d<\/p>\n
The nature of Orb\u00e1nism<\/b><\/p>\n
To understand the significance of this moment, one must
\nfirst understand Orb\u00e1nism. It was never merely a political programme; it was a
\ngoverning philosophy rooted in the rejection of liberal democracy itself. Orb\u00e1n
\nchampioned what he openly called an \u201cilliberal state,\u201d one that subordinated
\nindependent institutions, constrained judicial oversight, captured large
\nswathes of the media and blurred the boundary between party and state.<\/p>\n
Under this model, elections continued\u2014but the playing field
\nwas tilted. Opposition parties existed but operated under severe structural
\ndisadvantages. Hungary became a case study in how democratic backsliding can
\noccur not through abrupt rupture, but through gradual erosion.<\/p>\n
Orb\u00e1n\u2019s foreign policy compounded this trajectory. His
\ngovernment cultivated close ties with authoritarian regimes, most notably
\nRussia, often positioning Hungary at odds with its European partners. This not
\nonly weakened EU cohesion but lent legitimacy to a broader authoritarian
\nresurgence.<\/p>\n
Why this result is so significant<\/b><\/p>\n
The defeat of Orb\u00e1n demonstrates that such systems are not
\ninvincible. For years, many assumed that the structural advantages Fidesz had
\nembedded into Hungary\u2019s political system rendered electoral defeat virtually
\nimpossible. That assumption has now been proven spectacularly wrong.<\/p>\n
This is not merely a change of government; it is a
\nrepudiation of a model. It shows that even where democratic norms have been
\neroded, voters can still mobilise to restore them\u2014provided there is a credible
\nvehicle through which to do so.<\/p>\n
For Hungary, the
\ndefeat of Orb\u00e1nism offers an opportunity to restore the independence of the
\njudiciary, to scrap the NER system of patronage, to reshape Hungary\u2019s place in
\nEurope and to rebuild the basic norms of democratic life that have been
\nsteadily eroded over the past decade.<\/span><\/p>\nIf seized, this
\nmoment could mark a genuine turning point: not simply a change of government,
\nbut a transition away from a system in which power was concentrated,
\naccountability weakened and loyalty rewarded over competence. It creates the
\nspace to re-establish a state that serves the public rather than the governing
\nparty and to revive a free and plural media environment.<\/span><\/p>\nCrucially, it also
\noffers Hungary the chance to re-anchor itself within the European mainstream\u2014no
\nlonger as an outlier or obstruction, but as a constructive partner committed to
\nthe rule of law, democratic standards, and collective security. Whether this
\nbecomes a true inflection point will depend on the willingness of the new
\ngovernment not only to dismantle what came before, but to replace it with
\nsomething more durable, more open, and more accountable. But the opportunity is
\nunmistakable: Hungary can move from managed democracy back to a living,
\nfunctioning one.<\/span><\/p>\nWhy did P\u00e9ter Magyar win? <\/b><\/p>\n
P\u00e9ter Magyar\u2019s victory is instructive, particularly for
\nliberals in the United Kingdom and those seeking to counter the rise of
\npopulist movements such as Reform UK.<\/p>\n
Magyar did not win by presenting himself as a conventional
\nliberal. Nor did he attempt to outbid Orb\u00e1n on ideological grounds. Instead, he
\nfocused relentlessly on the nature and consequences of Orb\u00e1nism: corruption,
\ncronyism, institutional decay and the everyday failures of governance that
\nflowed from them.<\/p>\n
He framed the election not as a contest of left versus
\nright, but as one of integrity versus decay. In doing so, he was able to build
\na coalition that cut across traditional political divides, attracting voters
\nwho might not otherwise align with liberal or progressive causes. His campaign
\nwas characterised by positive messages, especially around relationships with
\nEurope, and a focus on anti-corruption and anti-authoritarianism. Many who voted
\nfor TISZA were not natural supporters, but Magyar was able to build a broad
\n(and unashamedly patriotic) grassroots movement and to persuade other
\nopposition parties to step aside to avoid splitting the anti-Fidesz vote. <\/p>\n
The lesson here is clear. Opposing populist or illiberal
\nmovements requires more than moral denunciation. It also requires more than the
\nencouragement of tactical voting. It demands a strategy that speaks to lived
\nexperience\u2014one that exposes not just the rhetoric of such movements, but the
\ntangible harms they inflict.<\/p>\n
In Britain, that
\nlesson has yet to be fully absorbed. Currently various parties, the Lib Dems
\nincluded, are positioning themselves as the most viable vehicle to defeat Reform,
\nrather than confronting the conditions that allow such movements to thrive. What
\nis required instead is something deeper\u2014a broad-based democratic resistance
\nthat goes beyond party lines. That means making the case, consistently and
\nconcretely, that populist politics does not deliver: that it weakens public
\nservices, distorts priorities and substitutes grievance for solutions. It means
\nengaging with communities where trust in politics has eroded, not just during
\ncampaigns but between them. And it means building a positive, credible
\nalternative that restores faith in politics as a force for practical
\nimprovement. Without that, opposition risks becoming reactive and
\nfragmented\u2014while the likes of Reform continue to shape the terms of debate.<\/span><\/p>\nBut how do we
\nactually get to that place? What does a genuine democratic resistance look like
\nin practice?<\/span><\/p>\nDoes it mean greater
\nopenness to alliances\u2014formal or informal\u2014between parties that would not
\nordinarily cooperate? Does it require a more strategic approach to elections,
\nincluding the selective standing aside of candidates in tightly contested
\nseats? And if so, who decides, and on what basis? These are not easy questions,
\nparticularly in a political culture that prizes party identity and competition.
\nBut the Hungarian example suggests that when the stakes are sufficiently high,
\nvoters are willing to move faster than parties. <\/b>The risk for British
\nopposition parties is that cooperation is too timid, arriving too late or not
\nat all.<\/span><\/p>\nThere is, however, an
\nobvious difference between Britain and Hungary. Resistance to what reform
\nrepresents is not about removing a government but preventing a political
\nculture from taking root. It requires confronting narratives before they harden
\ninto orthodoxy, and offering credible answers to the grievances that populists
\nexploit. I have suggested the possibility of alliances and tactical decisions,
\nbut they are\u00a0 <\/span>-at best \u2013 merely tools. The
\ndeeper challenge is whether Britain\u2019s democratic parties can act with the
\nurgency, imagination, and collective purpose that moments like this demand.<\/span><\/p>\nWhy were the polls \u2013 and media – so wrong?<\/b><\/p>\n
The polling showed a close contest, although in recent days
\nindependent polls suggested a narrow win for TOSZA while Hungarian state
\npolling pointed to a Fidesz victory. As recently as last Thursday, Tibor
\nFischer, writing for the Daily Telegraph, insisted that \u201cOrb\u00e1n will win again and the Leftist chatterati
\n<\/span>just doesn\u2019t get why\u201d. <\/p>\nIn fact, it is
\nprecisely this kind of analysis that failed to grasp what was unfolding.
\nFischer\u2019s argument rested on a familiar premise: that Orb\u00e1n\u2019s dominance
\nreflected a deep, stable alignment between his politics and the Hungarian
\nelectorate, and that criticism of his rule was driven more by liberal prejudice
\nthan by lived reality. But that reading mistook control for consent. It assumed
\nthat because Orb\u00e1n had successfully shaped the political environment\u2014through
\nmedia influence, institutional control, and patronage\u2014he had secured something
\nmore durable than he in fact had.<\/span><\/p>\nWhat it \u2013 and much
\nof the polling \u2013 missed was the slow accumulation of discontent beneath the
\nsurface. Voters who had tolerated\u2014or even supported\u2014Fidesz were increasingly
\nconfronted with the consequences of its rule: stagnation, corruption and a
\nnarrowing of opportunity. Crucially, when presented with a credible alternative
\nin P\u00e9ter Magyar, many were willing to act on that dissatisfaction. This was not
\na sudden or irrational shift; it was the release of pressures that had been
\nbuilding for years.<\/span><\/p>\nToo many on the
\npolitical right that has been too willing to take Orb\u00e1n\u2019s narrative at face
\nvalue. By focusing on his electoral success while downplaying the conditions
\nunder which it was achieved. <\/span><\/p>\nThe polling failure reflects these political factors. In
\nsystems where media plurality is limited and political pressure is pervasive,
\naccurately capturing voter sentiment becomes inherently difficult. There is
\nalso the phenomenon of \u201cshy voters,\u201d reluctant to express opposition views in
\nan environment where dissent has long been marginalised. But most importantly,
\nthe polling models were calibrated to a political landscape that was already
\ncrumbling. <\/p>\n
A necessary note of caution<\/b><\/p>\n
The excitement from the First Minister and other UK
\npoliticians is understandable. It is essential, however, not to misinterpret
\nthis result. P\u00e9ter Magyar did not win because Hungary has suddenly embraced
\nliberalism. His own politics are firmly centre-right and, in many respects, he
\nis not a liberal standard-bearer.<\/p>\n
What he did do\u2014crucially\u2014was challenge the nature and
\nsymptoms of Orb\u00e1nism. Where Orb\u00e1n centralised power, Magyar promises to
\ndisperse it. Where Orb\u00e1n blurred the line between party and state, Magyar has
\npledged to restore institutional independence. Where Orb\u00e1n thrived on division
\nand grievance, Magyar has campaigned on competence and accountability. For that
\nalone we should be grateful, but we need to be realistic: what has happened is
\nthat Orb\u00e1nism has been soundly rejected and the door to democratic renewal has
\nbeen opened, but it is not yet clear what direction this will take. The task
\nnow is not simply to celebrate the fall of Orb\u00e1nism, but to ensure that what
\nreplaces it is more open, more plural and more firmly rooted in the rule of
\nlaw.<\/p>\n
What next for Hungary?<\/b><\/p>\n
With a parliamentary
\nmajority, TISZA now faces the formidable task of translating electoral success
\ninto structural reform. The legacy of Orb\u00e1nism is deeply embedded\u2014not only in
\nlaw, but in institutions, networks and political culture.<\/span><\/p>\nUndoing this will
\nrequire more than legislative change. It will demand patience, resilience and a
\nwillingness to confront entrenched interests. The question is not merely
\nwhether TISZA can govern, but whether it can rebuild the foundations of
\ndemocratic governance in a way that endures.<\/span><\/p>\nIn foreign policy,
\nthe shift could be immediate and a radical departure from Fidesz\u2019s positioning of
\nHungary as an outlier within the European Union\u2014frequently at odds with its partners,
\nand often aligned with Russian interests. A TISZA government has the
\nopportunity to reset those relationships, and I fully expect them to do this.
\nRebuilding trust with Brussels will be essential, not least to unlock funding
\nand restore Hungary\u2019s credibility as a constructive member state. Relations
\nwith Poland\u2014itself emerging from a period of democratic backsliding\u2014may prove
\nparticularly significant, offering the potential for a renewed Central European
\nbloc anchored in democratic norms rather than illiberal experimentation.<\/span><\/p>\nNowhere will the
\nchange be more closely watched than in Hungary\u2019s stance towards Ukraine.
\nOrb\u00e1n\u2019s government cultivated an ambiguous, often obstructive position,
\nfrustrating collective European efforts to support Kyiv and reinforcing the
\nperception of Hungary as Moscow\u2019s proxy within the EU. A decisive reorientation
\nwould not only strengthen European unity, but signal that Hungary has stepped
\nback from the geopolitical ambiguity that defined the Orb\u00e1n years. It will
\nhopefully mark the end of Hungary\u2019s role as Russia\u2019s most reliable ally in
\nCentral Europe.<\/span><\/p>\nDomestically, however,
\nthe challenges are more complex. Creating a more open Hungary means more than
\nremoving political controls; it requires actively rebuilding pluralism. That
\nincludes fostering a genuinely independent media landscape, protecting civil
\nsociety organisations, and restoring public confidence in institutions that
\nhave too often been seen as instruments of power rather than checks upon it.
\nCultural change of this kind cannot be legislated into existence\u2014it must be
\nnurtured, and it will take time.<\/span><\/p>\nThere is also the
\nquestion of constitutional reform. Orb\u00e1n\u2019s governments reshaped Hungary\u2019s legal
\nframework in ways designed to entrench Fidesz\u2019s influence well beyond its time
\nin office. Even with a strong parliamentary majority, reversing these changes
\nmay prove difficult. The risk is that TISZA finds itself governing within a
\nsystem still partially configured to frustrate it\u2014forced to choose between
\nincremental change and more radical institutional confrontation.<\/span><\/p>\nAnd with power comes
\nexpectation. Large majorities can create the illusion of political strength,
\nbut they also magnify the consequences of failure. P\u00e9ter Magyar may yet face
\nthe same challenge confronting leaders such as Keir Starmer: how to sustain
\npublic confidence once the initial momentum of victory fades. Voters who have
\ndelivered change decisively will expect results just as quickly. If reform
\nproves slower, more contested, or more compromising than anticipated,
\ndisillusionment can set in.<\/span><\/p>\nSuccess will depend
\nnot just on dismantling Orb\u00e1nism, but on constructing something more resilient
\nin its place.<\/span><\/p>\nThe wider implications<\/b><\/p>\n
Liam Byrne is correct: the fall of Orb\u00e1n has immediate
\nimplications beyond Hungary\u2019s borders. Within the European Union, it removes a
\nkey source of internal obstruction, particularly on issues relating to the rule
\nof law, support for Ukraine and relations with Russia.<\/p>\n
It also sends a signal to other countries grappling with
\npopulist or illiberal movements: such projects can fail. Their apparent
\nstrength often masks underlying fragility\u2014fragility that becomes visible when
\nvoters are presented with a credible alternative.<\/p>\n
Orb\u00e1nism ultimately failed because it prioritised power over
\nperformance. In the end, the very mechanisms designed to entrench
\nauthority\u2014centralisation, patronage, control\u2014produced stagnation, corruption and
\npublic disillusionment.<\/p>\n
Can Fidesz recover?<\/b><\/p>\n
The immediate question following this defeat is whether
\nFidesz can recover\u2014or whether this marks the beginning of its long-term
\ndecline. Parties built so heavily around a single figure, in this case Viktor
\nOrb\u00e1n, often struggle to adapt once their aura of invincibility is broken.<\/p>\n
On one hand, Fidesz retains significant structural
\nadvantages. Its networks in business, media, and local government remain deeply
\nembedded. A loyal core electorate\u2014shaped by years of political messaging and
\npatronage\u2014will not disappear overnight. It would be a mistake to assume that
\nOrb\u00e1nism has simply evaporated with one electoral defeat.<\/p>\n
On the other hand, the very nature of the system Orb\u00e1n built
\nmay now work against his party. A model reliant on centralised control, personal
\nauthority and constant political dominance is poorly suited to opposition.
\nWithout access to the levers of state power, the contradictions within
\nFidesz\u2014between ideology and pragmatism, loyalty and ambition\u2014may become more
\nvisible. <\/p>\n
My own belief is that Fidesz will inevitably struggle to
\nadapt to opposition and will break up. It will find it difficult to meaningfully
\nrenew itself without rethinking its approach to governance, institutions and
\nHungary\u2019s place in Europe. Fracture is more likely that reform. <\/p>\n
The more obvious option for Fidesz could be to double down
\non grievance politics, seeking to delegitimise the new government and mobilise
\nits base through claims of betrayal or external interference. Already there are
\nnotable Fidesz supporters outside Hungary blaming George Soros for the result. <\/p>\n
This is, in many
\nways, the instinctive path. Orb\u00e1nism has long relied on the construction of
\nexternal enemies\u2014Brussels, migrants, liberal elites, and figures like Soros\u2014to
\nsustain a sense of permanent crisis. In power, that strategy helped justify
\ncentralisation and deflect responsibility. In opposition, it offers a familiar
\nand emotionally resonant way to maintain cohesion: defeat is not accepted as a
\nverdict of the electorate, but recast as the product of manipulation or
\nconspiracy. It allows Fidesz to preserve its internal narrative without
\nconfronting the reasons for its loss.<\/span><\/p>\nBut a politics built
\non grievance struggles to renew itself because it resists introspection. A
\nconsequence of this is that no alternative vision is developed. Over time, this
\nrisks trapping Fidesz in a closed loop\u2014speaking ever more narrowly to its core
\nsupporters while losing its ability to reach beyond them.<\/span><\/p>\nFor Fidesz to
\nsurvive as a credible force, it would need to acknowledge the dynamics that led
\nto its rejection. That is unlikely.\u00a0 <\/span>To
\nrespond to the electoral verdict with more of the same is not resilience\u2014it is
\ndenial. And denial, sustained for long enough, does not preserve a political
\nmovement; it diminishes it. <\/span><\/p>\nTaking Our Country Back<\/b><\/p>\n
The slogan \u201ctake our country back\u201d has too often been
\nco-opted by the likes of Reform UK to justify exclusion and division. Hungary\u2019s
\nelection offers a different interpretation of what \u201ctaking a country back\u201d
\nmeans. TISZA was not ashamed to be patriotic and recognised the importance of
\nappeal to the nation \u2013 and nationhood. It actively reclaimed patriotism from Orb\u00e1nism
\nand redefined what it means to love Hungary, grounding patriotism in everyday
\nexperience, reframing it as service and avoiding the liberal versus nationalist
\ntrap that Fidesz tried to set. TISZA was able to build a sense of national
\nrenewal, showing that patriotism doesn\u2019t have to be divisive and focused their messaging
\non what Hungary could become. <\/p>\n
In Hungary, voters have done the unthinkable. The lesson for
\nthe rest of us is that defeating the far right is not just about opposing its
\nideas\u2014it is about exposing its failures, building credible alternatives and
\nresisting populism before it defines the terms of our politics.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
P\u00e9ter Magyar (Photo:\u00a0M\u00e1rton M\u00f3nus\/Reuters) Yesterday\u2019s Hungarian parliamentary election has delivered what, until very recently, seemed improbable: the defeat of Viktor Orb\u00e1n and his long-dominant Fidesz party. For over a decade, Hungary has stood as the clearest example within the European Union of how the structures of democracy can be steadily eroded by those in power. […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":7041443,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[97880,203873,109067,203874],"tags":[8787,6235,7519,203875],"dealstore":[],"offerexpiration":[],"class_list":["post-7041442","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-europe","category-european-elections","category-hungary","category-viktor-orban","tag-europe","tag-fall","tag-means","tag-orbanism"],"yoast_head":"\n
The Fall of Orb\u00e1nism and What It Means for Europe - Som2ny Network<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/fivemor.com\/?p=7041442\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"The Fall of Orb\u00e1nism and What It Means for Europe - Som2ny Network\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"P\u00e9ter Magyar (Photo:\u00a0M\u00e1rton M\u00f3nus\/Reuters) Yesterday\u2019s Hungarian parliamentary election has delivered what, until very recently, seemed improbable: the defeat of Viktor Orb\u00e1n and his long-dominant Fidesz party. For over a decade, Hungary has stood as the clearest example within the European Union of how the structures of democracy can be steadily eroded by those in power. 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