{"id":7036028,"date":"2026-08-10T02:23:14","date_gmt":"2026-08-10T02:23:14","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/peraltafinancing.com\/uncategorized\/whats-in-the-name-terminology-legal-uncertainty-and-the-codification-of-non-legally-binding-international-agreement-jindal-forum-for-international-and-economic-laws\/"},"modified":"2026-08-10T02:23:14","modified_gmt":"2026-08-10T02:23:14","slug":"whats-in-the-name-terminology-legal-uncertainty-and-the-codification-of-non-legally-binding-international-agreement-jindal-forum-for-international-and-economic-laws","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/fivemor.com\/?p=7036028","title":{"rendered":"What\u2019s in the Name? Terminology, Legal Uncertainty and the Codification of Non-Legally Binding International Agreement \u2013 Jindal Forum for International and Economic Laws"},"content":{"rendered":"<p> <br \/>\n<\/p>\n<div>\n<p class=\"has-text-align-justify wp-block-paragraph\" style=\"font-size:15px\">The International Law Commission, in the May-June 2026 session <a href=\"https:\/\/docs.un.org\/en\/A\/CN.4\/L.1036\">provisionally adopted Draft Conclusions 1-5 for Non-Legally Binding International Agreement<\/a> (NLBIAs). The very title of the agenda has been a subject of debate since its introduction, with States (See sixth committee statements of <a href=\"https:\/\/www.un.org\/en\/ga\/sixth\/80\/pdfs\/statements\/ilc\/32mtg_india_2.pdf\">India<\/a>, <a href=\"https:\/\/www.un.org\/en\/ga\/sixth\/80\/pdfs\/statements\/ilc\/32mtg_france_12.pdf\">France<\/a>, <a href=\"https:\/\/www.un.org\/en\/ga\/sixth\/80\/pdfs\/statements\/ilc\/33mtg_south_africa_2.pdf\">South Africa<\/a>, <a href=\"https:\/\/d.docs.live.net\/cf34bbdebde7e4c4\/Documents\/ilc\/34mtg_israel_2.pdf\">Israel<\/a>, <a href=\"https:\/\/www.un.org\/en\/ga\/sixth\/80\/pdfs\/statements\/ilc\/32mtg_ireland_2.pdf\">Ireland<\/a>, etc) not agreeing to the term \u201cagreement\u201d. The struggle to settle upon a term reflects a deeper tension at the heart of international law: the elusive boundary between legal obligation and political commitment. This post contends that terminology is far from a semantic exercise and leads to different consequences depending on the usage.\u00a0\u00a0<\/p>\n<p class=\"has-text-align-justify wp-block-paragraph\" style=\"font-size:15px\">Blurring the distinction between legal and political commitments unsettles the foundation of treaty law. The <a href=\"https:\/\/download.ssrn.com\/21\/03\/01\/ssrn_id3795588_code1050716.pdf?response-content-disposition=inline&amp;X-Amz-Security-Token=IQoJb3JpZ2luX2VjELL%2F%2F%2F%2F%2F%2F%2F%2F%2F%2FwEaCXVzLWVhc3QtMSJGMEQCIH8AXfJhgX0vXUzsxStvA2tTRoVyLp%2BHYRAQyeFd0vZbAiAZLhn1iWylbras%2BoThV6t9gVm5fMinpVvaaZHV8nndtyq%2BBQh6EAQaDDMwODQ3NTMwMTI1NyIM506oNBs%2F5v1PyshuKpsF52Nt6kBtb7KT%2Bq9jxAddGEDou3Plv5QiKv8RHcazqYEGrGBGumsALEqECJsp6ZTYxYzUy7EsQA02uzh4wrB6WFZLoAR5evKznybEgUEmG2onicOaP8DPSnAbdY7b4zimqNssm3AzD1b3aHTeSka845pRDzw0UDsuoa4SBpvQtaWBdqg30NudprB4MfbT1f8%2BjiumWDiS%2Fl5jOsQt0NMfGDkGrdLF3tUZD4rV4UoiGMv4R36gP098sE68x8c5rGWoPGTKDGQZUxxc7KL9qVi2OZ8vQHj3C8gvX4o6hRzCHGY1KEiiwrBrd%2FXOGLMart1xkJzkujo99OEO6nSXzq7KzU%2FTjVSks3rZHVj4MxAaXHVWn8TVmwT11v%2FAALW9bntoTGwR9SuEgIWvx%2FUXCRoxRXjzFkIUxS9yTroF3xcPXR9Mx0Hq%2BMyjsEcKKesg2jXGnDBdbjr9FPsYe69%2BarizQ0t7eIBXIjXVTf9RBqB5OyJ5%2FCk7T7nLdO6vi8tMIb9BLMvmMxBjuxHkt1XOAeTX3Orxa%2BJbBNp5gXdAhhGHd8XSGY4bHv4Mf8fNI%2Fzmg2PjoXzLdNeHvWWCsl%2FqM453I%2Bf1D17K4mbtT8%2B95LM5xg7HO9dcjQrIFsT6uCgQUJMQ2I8pWFx50cBWpVWxVPCjpjU1Rz0wrKUOzoWKq%2B9C66RGtYyhnFiUO6Jwa4kI5GjSW0esF8lThB2ka38He5YMe3mY2y5EHCJIKkvHrhCmfSmpAdEPO8UIj69kRaI1TqKlh%2BDEiJscX1jXYF8n9baU9whoXx4WNzF9RZA4FORBf7sWL2WuRP7Niyva2WKcouDgEC1wce%2BVdxAFmS1wbUFdK0erskndfhzR8VX0xEfboV4bHHl4JRhtHRxe6DCL6e7SBjqyAbLVzVYFMd%2Fm91V%2FAweMbWJh0%2Fot1dijgJELOOrya%2BbGUYfZKWVzH4U2MlwOOf8BV3Dm73K1NCoUhgnnBZ7i6d5as7S91cIqRl3R2JlmxyfFgA6%2Bbd%2B3mRUf2VuYIfP%2Bi7Jqb4CoVMaa%2F6FQqHSCu%2FhjDTRf0P8JaCIH7xQQS5p2m18QJFM%2FBoxpR5%2BOJ7C5XP4UGzZY%2FEtHYOQsJkRyWEX85JMubYaarmSOnWfNs9RCQP4%3D&amp;X-Amz-Algorithm=AWS4-HMAC-SHA256&amp;X-Amz-Date=20260718T173559Z&amp;X-Amz-SignedHeaders=host&amp;X-Amz-Expires=300&amp;X-Amz-Credential=ASIAUPUUPRWEYGOPAUM3%2F20260718%2Fus-east-1%2Fs3%2Faws4_request&amp;X-Amz-Signature=8c6ec63a8fddc2a604e24a2614b25e58756dc7d9f3c115f907f62e8ea98ea121&amp;abstractId=3230401\">analytical instability of hard\/soft binary<\/a>, and the inadequacy of the treaty concept to capture the diversity of contemporary instruments, have <a href=\"https:\/\/eclass.uoa.gr\/modules\/document\/file.php\/PSPA420\/%CE%98%CE%B5%CF%89%CF%81%CE%AF%CE%B1%20%CE%94%CE%B9%CE%B5%CE%B8%CE%BD%CE%AD%CF%82%20%CE%94%CE%AF%CE%BA%CE%B1%CE%B9%CE%BF\/relative%20normativity.pdf\">both been extensively examined<\/a> with the diagnosis broadly accepted even where the remedy remained contested. Yet none of that engagement anticipated the recursive difficulty that the ILC\u2019s agenda now makes visible: what happens when the vocabulary to describe it is itself contested.\u00a0<\/p>\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\" style=\"font-size:17px\"><strong>The Terminology<\/strong><\/p>\n<p class=\"has-text-align-justify wp-block-paragraph\" style=\"font-size:15px\">States do not select between \u201carrangement\u201d, \u201cagreement\u201d, and \u201cinstrument\u201d at random, each label is intentional, signalling an intent to not be bound while hoping to appear politically serious without legal exposure. These three terms specifically have been proposed by various states in the Sixth Committee.<\/p>\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\" style=\"font-size:17px\"><strong>Agreement<\/strong><\/p>\n<p class=\"has-text-align-justify wp-block-paragraph\" style=\"font-size:15px\">This is <a href=\"https:\/\/docs.un.org\/en\/A\/CN.4\/772\">the term proposed by Special Rapporteur<\/a>, Mathias Forteau. Under <a href=\"https:\/\/legal.un.org\/ilc\/texts\/instruments\/english\/conventions\/1_1_1969.pdf\">Article 2(1)(a) of VCLT<\/a>, a \u201ctreaty\u201d is defined by four cumulative elements: it must be (i) an international agreement, (ii) concluded between States, (iii) in written form, and (iv) governed by international law, whether embodied in a single instrument or in two or more related instruments, whatever its particular designation. The phrase \u201cwhatever its particular designation\u201d was intended, as the <a href=\"https:\/\/legal.un.org\/ilc\/texts\/instruments\/english\/commentaries\/1_1_1966.pdf\">ILC\u2019s own commentaries to VCLT<\/a> make clear, to ensure that substance governs over label.<\/p>\n<p class=\"has-text-align-justify wp-block-paragraph\" style=\"font-size:15px\">The difficulty is that the word \u201cagreement\u201d is routinely applied to both categories creating exactly the inferential difficulty we are facing. For instance, t<a href=\"https:\/\/www.mea.gov.in\/images\/SOP-forwarding-letter-to-Ministries-with-revised-SOPs.pdf\">he Ministry of External Affairs of India (MEA), in its Standard Operating Procedure on the conclusion of International Treaties in India<\/a>, (SOP) treats agreements to be legally binding and synonymous to treaties. Yet it also refers to instruments across both categories loosely as \u201cagreements\/MoUs\u201d throughout the document. <a href=\"https:\/\/www.mea.gov.in\/treaty\">India\u2019s Indian Treaties database<\/a>, maintained by the Legal and Treaties Division of the MEA lists treaties, agreements and MoUs within a single searchable repository without a systematic legal differentiation between them at the point of public disclosure. Thus, \u201cagreement\u201d functions not as a terminus of legal classification but as a floating signifier capable of carrying binding intent when the context demands it and shedding that intent whenever convenient. The Special Rapporteur also acknowledges in his <a href=\"https:\/\/legal.un.org\/ilc\/documentation\/english\/a_cn4_784.pdf\">second report<\/a>, that several states have objected to the use of \u201cagreement\u201d in the title. It risks implying legal formality that the instruments under study deliberately avoid. The concerns expressed by States, coupled with the persistent uncertainty surrounding the legal and conceptual contours of the term \u201cagreement\u201d, suggest that it may not constitute the most appropriate terminology for the instrument under consideration.<\/p>\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\" style=\"font-size:17px\"><strong>Arrangement<\/strong><\/p>\n<p class=\"has-text-align-justify wp-block-paragraph\" style=\"font-size:15px\">The term \u201carrangement\u201d is the most functionally transparent in diplomatic vocabulary. When a State uses this term, it signals that what follows is a structure of cooperation rather than a source of legal obligation. For example, the <a href=\"https:\/\/www.wassenaar.org\/\">Wassenaar Arrangement<\/a>, wherein \u00a0 \u00a0 forty-two participating States coordinate export control policies under its auspices yet it is deliberately not a treaty and not binding.<\/p>\n<p class=\"has-text-align-justify wp-block-paragraph\" style=\"font-size:15px\">As <a href=\"https:\/\/www.armscontrol.org\/act\/2001-01\/press-releases\/wassenaar-arrangement-agrees-manpads-export-criteria\">Arms Control Association reporting on the Arrangement<\/a> confirms, even its \u201cbest practices\u201d are non-legally binding. It does the work of framing multilateral coordination without submitting participating States to the treaty registration requirements of <a href=\"https:\/\/www.un.org\/en\/about-us\/un-charter\/chapter-16\">Article 102 of the UN Charter<\/a>, or the <a href=\"https:\/\/legal.un.org\/ilc\/texts\/instruments\/english\/conventions\/1_1_1969.pdf\">interpretative machinery of the VCLT<\/a>.\u00a0<\/p>\n<p class=\"has-text-align-justify wp-block-paragraph\" style=\"font-size:15px\">This understanding is further reflected in State practice. <a href=\"https:\/\/www.dfat.gov.au\/international-relations\/treaties\/australias-practice-concluding-less-than-treaty-status-instruments\">Australia expressly distinguishes<\/a> terms such as \u201carrangements\u201d as less than treaty status, from agreements which denote a treaty. This linguistic clarity makes \u201carrangement\u201d diplomatically useful, allowing States to signal an intention to cooperate without assuming legal obligations. Yet the same clarity may also discourage closer scrutiny of the instrument\u2019s legal character by signalling non-bindingness at the outset. It risks pre-empting the inquiry into intention, form and substance as required under <a href=\"https:\/\/legal.un.org\/ilc\/texts\/instruments\/english\/conventions\/1_1_1969.pdf\">Article 2(1)(a) of the VCLT<\/a>. The use of a lesser label does not, by itself\u00a0 <a href=\"https:\/\/scholarship.law.vanderbilt.edu\/cgi\/viewcontent.cgi?article=1204&amp;context=vjtl\">determine an instrument\u2019s legal status.<\/a> The terminology may therefore suggest that political question is settled before the legal inquiry has properly begun.<\/p>\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\" style=\"font-size:17px\"><strong>Instrument<\/strong><\/p>\n<p class=\"has-text-align-justify wp-block-paragraph\" style=\"font-size:15px\">\u201cInstrument\u201d is the broadest and indeterminate of the three. It functions as a genus label; a word capacious enough to cover treaties, MoUs, declarations, final acts etc without committing the State to any view on the legal character of what is being described.\u00a0<\/p>\n<p class=\"has-text-align-justify wp-block-paragraph\" style=\"font-size:15px\">The ICJ\u2019s judgement of 19 May 2025 in <a href=\"https:\/\/www.icj-cij.org\/case\/179\">Land and Maritime Delimitation and Sovereignty over Islands (Gabon\/Equatorial Guinea)<\/a>, makes this function unusually visible. The Court was asked to decide whether the \u201c<a href=\"https:\/\/treaties.un.org\/doc\/Publication\/UNTS\/Volume%202248\/v2248.pdf\">Bata Convention<\/a>\u201d a 1974 document asserted by Gabon to constitute a binding legal title over their common boundaries, had the force of law.\u00a0 Its threshold question was whether the \u2013 \u201cintention of the parties to be legally bound\u201d could be established, the condition the Court treats as necessary for an instrument to constitute a treaty. To answer it, the Court approached the document first as an \u201cinstrument\u201d, the neutral term and only then assessed for whether it satisfied the legal requirements for a treaty, weighing the terms of the document itself, the circumstances in which it was drawn up and the subsequent conduct of the Parties. Court concluded, by fourteen votes to one, that it was not a treaty having force of law.\u00a0 The majority found that although the document bore several features which, at first sight made it appear to be a treaty, certain features (Article 7 of <a href=\"https:\/\/treaties.un.org\/doc\/Publication\/UNTS\/Volume%202248\/v2248.pdf\">Bata Convention<\/a> and nota bene clause appended to Article 4 anticipating renegotiation to align it with 1900 convention) cast doubt on the Parties\u2019 intention to definitively establish their common boundary. <a href=\"https:\/\/www.icj-cij.org\/sites\/default\/files\/case-related\/179\/179-20250519-jud-01-06-en.pdf\">Judge ad-hoc Pinto<\/a>,\u00a0 applying the same test to the same evidence, reached the opposite conclusion: Equatorial Guinea never alleged forgery, never disputed the Convention\u2019s 1974 transmission to France, nor challenged the political context of its signing. Yet the majority read this as showing no intention to be bound.\u00a0<\/p>\n<p class=\"has-text-align-justify wp-block-paragraph\" style=\"font-size:15px\">The term \u201cinstrument\u201d is the most defensible of the three, precisely because of the trade-offs the preceding two sections expose. \u201cArrangement\u201d signals non-bindingness before the legal analysis has begun, foreclosing an inquiry Article 2(1)(a) requires to be kept open. \u201cAgreement\u201d carries binding connotations which causes confusion amongst states. \u201cInstrument\u201d avoids both errors by naming the document without pre-deciding its nature, deferring the entire classification question rather than answering it in advance.<\/p>\n<p class=\"has-text-align-justify wp-block-paragraph\" style=\"font-size:15px\">That deferral comes at a cost.\u00a0 \u201cInstrument\u201d settles nothing, the entire burden of classification shifts to whoever applies <a href=\"https:\/\/legal.un.org\/ilc\/texts\/instruments\/english\/conventions\/1_1_1969.pdf\">Article 2(1)(a)<\/a> later, usually a court weighing intention, form and conduct after the fact. It doesn\u2019t make the weighing exercise any more certain, it only postpones it. What uncertainty can look like in practice is visible in the Gabon case.\u00a0\u00a0<\/p>\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\" style=\"font-size:17px\"><strong>The Two Pressure Points<\/strong><\/p>\n<p class=\"has-text-align-justify wp-block-paragraph\" style=\"font-size:15px\">There are two moments at which the absence of a stable vocabulary starts producing genuine legal failure.<\/p>\n<ol class=\"wp-block-list\">\n<li style=\"font-size:15px\">Judicial Classification<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<p class=\"has-text-align-justify wp-block-paragraph\" style=\"font-size:15px\">When a court is asked to determine whether a document is legally binding, it begins where every interpreter must; with the text. The label is often the most immediate signal available, and yet the <a href=\"https:\/\/www.icj-cij.org\/case\/87\">case law<\/a> has repeatedly demonstrated that it is almost never decisive.\u00a0 <a href=\"https:\/\/legal.un.org\/ilc\/texts\/instruments\/english\/conventions\/1_1_1969.pdf\">Article 2(1) of the VCLT<\/a>, severed the link between designation and legal status by providing that an instrument qualifies as a treaty based on substance and intent, \u201cwhatever its particular designation\u201d. Such a definition was premised on the assumption of stable categories of treaty and non-treaty. The proliferation of deliberately ambiguous labels has eroded that premise.\u00a0 A court reaching for the neutral term \u201cinstrument\u201d to begin its analysis (as <a href=\"https:\/\/www.icj-cij.org\/case\/179\">ICJ in Gabon\/Equatorial Guinea<\/a>) is performing a classificatory act before classification has begun. It is already choosing a term that prejudges nothing, precisely because the labels the parties chose have left everything open. If the ILC\u2019s text settles on \u201cagreement\u201d as the term, courts inheriting that vocabulary may face a rebuttable inference of binding intent whenever the word appears in a disputed document, the opposite of what the Commission intends to produce.<\/p>\n<ol start=\"2\" class=\"wp-block-list\">\n<li style=\"font-size:15px\">Normative Pull<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<p class=\"has-text-align-justify wp-block-paragraph\" style=\"font-size:15px\">The most consequential pressure point is normative pull, the capacity of an instrument to generate compliance that the parties did not accept. <a href=\"https:\/\/unfccc.int\/sites\/default\/files\/english_paris_agreement.pdf\">The Paris Agreement of 2015<\/a>, is the perfect illustration because its drafters were conscious of the risk and engineered around it with care. This shows that the terminology problem this piece traces in titles and labels is not confined to them: the same normative pull can be generated by drafting register even where the instrument\u2019s own designation is not in question. <a href=\"https:\/\/unfccc.int\/sites\/default\/files\/english_paris_agreement.pdf\">Article 4(1)<\/a>, which establishes the nationally determined contribution framework is drafted in the language of obligation: each Party \u201cshall prepare, communicate and maintain\u201d successive NDCs and \u201cshall pursue domestic mitigation measures\u201d. The syntax is indistinguishable from a binding treaty provision, the legal status is not. The procedural obligation to prepare, communicate and maintain NDCs is itself legally binding; what is not binding is the content of any given NDCs. A State may set whatever target it chooses and is under no obligation to achieve it. Yet the language did something the formal classification did not intend. The result was that NDCs began functioning in domestic and international discourse as though they carried the normative weight of the procedural obligation. Thus, drafted with sufficient formality, language generates compliance expectations before the legal analysis even begins. ILC\u2019s choice of term for its own definitional text carries this same risk and burden.<\/p>\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\" style=\"font-size:17px\"><strong>Conclusion<\/strong><\/p>\n<p class=\"has-text-align-justify wp-block-paragraph\" style=\"font-size:15px\">The terminological debate surrounding NLBIAs is one about where law draws its foundational boundaries. Each of the terms under consideration carries consequences that extend beyond the document it labels into the judicial, constitutional and normative architecture that surrounds it. \u201cAgreement\u201d risks generating binding inferences the Commission explicitly intends to avoid. \u201cArrangement\u201d forecloses legal analysis before it begins by signalling non-bindingness at the threshold. \u201cInstrument,\u201d names the documentary vehicle without pre-determining its legal character and preserves the analytical openness the Commission\u2019s project requires. The Commission should adopt \u201cinstrument\u201d as the operative term in its final conclusions because it is the only one that does not answer, before the law has spoken. A neutrality the ICJ itself relied on when it approached the Bata Convention as an \u201cinstrument\u201d before assessing whether it satisfied the requirements of a treaty.<\/p>\n<hr class=\"wp-block-separator has-alpha-channel-opacity\"\/>\n<p class=\"has-text-align-justify wp-block-paragraph\" style=\"font-size:15px\"><strong><em>Rhuhi Dhruvpal Sisodia<\/em><\/strong>,<em> is a fourth year law student at Gujarat National Law University and also is\u00a0the Research Assistant to Prof. (Dr.) Bimal N. Patel, Member of the International Law Commission, and expresses gratitude for the opportunity he has enabled for her and several others<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p class=\"has-text-align-justify has-dark-gray-color has-text-color has-link-color wp-elements-37f67b13e14693887f85cdb514774234 wp-block-paragraph\" style=\"font-size:15px\"><em>The views expressed in this blog are solely those of the author and do not represent the views of any institution, country, or Member.<\/em><\/p>\n<hr class=\"wp-block-separator has-alpha-channel-opacity is-style-wide\"\/>\n<p class=\"has-dark-gray-color has-text-color has-link-color wp-elements-faeec5504084e43b58a509d98e702a95 wp-block-paragraph\" style=\"font-size:12px\">Image Credit: International Law Commission, Seventy-seventh Session (2026), United Nations.<\/p>\n<\/p><\/div>\n\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>The International Law Commission, in the May-June 2026 session provisionally adopted Draft Conclusions 1-5 for Non-Legally Binding International Agreement (NLBIAs). The very title of the agenda has been a subject of debate since its introduction, with States (See sixth committee statements of India, France, South Africa, Israel, Ireland, etc) not agreeing to the term \u201cagreement\u201d. [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":7036029,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[198827,96742,198828,198829,198830,198831,198832,198833,198834,198835,198836,181184,198837,198838],"tags":[14456,45714,198839,11647,10118,3006,115169,13300,6036,198840,87095,21083,5614],"dealstore":[],"offerexpiration":[],"class_list":["post-7036028","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-article-21a-vclt","category-blog","category-codification-of-international-law","category-gabon-v-equatorial-guinea","category-ilc-draft-conclusions","category-intention-to-be-legally-bound","category-international-court-of-justice-icj","category-international-law-commission-ilc","category-international-legal-instruments","category-law-of-treaties","category-non-legally-binding-international-agreements","category-public-international-law","category-soft-law","category-treaty-interpretation","tag-agreement","tag-binding","tag-codification","tag-economic","tag-forum","tag-international","tag-jindal","tag-laws","tag-legal","tag-nonlegally","tag-terminology","tag-uncertainty","tag-whats"],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v26.4 - https:\/\/yoast.com\/wordpress\/plugins\/seo\/ -->\n<title>What\u2019s in the Name? Terminology, Legal Uncertainty and the Codification of Non-Legally Binding International Agreement \u2013 Jindal Forum for International and Economic Laws - Som2ny Network<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/fivemor.com\/?p=7036028\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"What\u2019s in the Name? Terminology, Legal Uncertainty and the Codification of Non-Legally Binding International Agreement \u2013 Jindal Forum for International and Economic Laws - Som2ny Network\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"The International Law Commission, in the May-June 2026 session provisionally adopted Draft Conclusions 1-5 for Non-Legally Binding International Agreement (NLBIAs). The very title of the agenda has been a subject of debate since its introduction, with States (See sixth committee statements of India, France, South Africa, Israel, Ireland, etc) not agreeing to the term \u201cagreement\u201d. 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