{"id":31384,"date":"2025-01-16T16:08:42","date_gmt":"2025-01-16T16:08:42","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/peraltafinancing.com\/anthropology\/a-proposal-for-a-multimodal-anthropology\/"},"modified":"2025-01-16T16:08:42","modified_gmt":"2025-01-16T16:08:42","slug":"a-proposal-for-a-multimodal-anthropology","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/fivemor.com\/?p=31384","title":{"rendered":"A Proposal for a Multimodal Anthropology"},"content":{"rendered":"


\n<\/p>\n

\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

<\/a><\/div>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

You\u2019ll see them in film,
\nk-dramas, music videos, webtoons and video games: narrow Seoul alleys (<\/span>\uace8\ubaa9\uae38<\/span>), old restaurants with
\npeeling wallpaper, protagonists drowning their sorrows in tent bars (<\/span>\ud3ec\uc7a5\ub9c8\ucc28<\/span>). Sometimes these images
\nare deployed for critical purpose: e.g., the <\/span>\ubc18\uc9c0\ud558<\/span> (semi-basement) that the Kim family lives in the
\n2019 film \u201cParasite.\u201d And sometimes for nostalgia\u2013with multiple documentaries
\nand websites on the \u201clast urban moon village\u201d (<\/span>\ub9c8\uc9c0\ub9c9<\/span> <\/span>\ub2ec\ub3d9\ub124<\/span>) of a Korean city. But this is not the Seoul\u2013nor
\nthe Republic of Korea (hereafter Korea)–that most people inhabit. Over the
\nlast 50 years, urban life in South Korea has been transformed in many ways,
\nwith successive waves of state-sponsored gentrification that has culminated
\nwith \u201cNew Town\u201d developments of block upon block of orderly apartment complexes
\nwith mall-like commercial strips between them (Chen et al 2019; Song et al
\n2019). Here, Korea parallels (and anticipates) urban development elsewhere. <\/span><\/p>\n

However, this proposed project is not a
\ncritique of urban (re)development (<\/span>\uc7ac\uac1c\ubc1c<\/span>), but an inquiry about what remains. Here and
\nthere, amidst the gleaming office towers and high-rise apartments of Seoul and
\nother Korean cities, there are older neighborhoods with housing stock from
\nprevious decades\u2013small islands of the past. On the one hand, these represent
\nsurplus neighborhoods for later redevelopment schemes. On the other, older
\nneighborhoods evoke nostalgia for the past and for what people frequently
\ncharacterize as a less alienated time. \u201cMoon neighborhoods,\u201d so-called because
\nmany were constructed on squats in hills and mountains that were not thought
\nsuitable for apartment development, remind people of the struggle and
\ndetermination of past generations. What happens to these places in the
\ninterstices of ubiquitous housing blocks? <\/span><\/p>\n

If we were doing this research in the United
\nStates, the answer would be clear enough: gentrification, abandonment and
\ndisplacement, the legacy of post-War urban development that may have moved into
\nmore hybrid strategies in a neoliberal age, but that still remains devastating
\nto people in working-class communities (Logan and Molotch 1987; Durington and
\nCollins 2019). In South Korean cities, however, \u201ctouristifcation\u201d may instead
\nbe the result. Rather than move into neighborhoods of older homes without access
\nto infrastructure and amenities, tourists visit instead to snap photos for
\nInstagram posts and to explore (Kim and Holifield 2022). In some cases, the
\nstate has facilitated this process by painting colorful murals on neighborhood
\nwalls\u2013literally enabling Instagram-able moments. The result is a digital
\ngentrification without the physical displacement of people (Hartmann and
\nJansson 2024). <\/span><\/p>\n

My proposed research project is on the
\nway community identity is physically and digitally negotiated in older
\nneighborhoods that have become sites of state intervention, touristifcation and
\nnostalgia.\u00a0 <\/span>My earlier work in Seoul
\nincluded places like Ihwa-dong and different neighborhoods along the old city
\nwalls (e.g., Bukjeong Maul). These have been the targets of urban regeneration,
\nmedia representation and tourist development (Nam and Lee 2023; Yun and Kwon
\n2023). Older housing stock, narrow alleys and colorful murals attract location
\nscouts for k-dramas and film, as well as busloads of domestic and international
\ntourists. But people live in these places as well, people who have little to
\nshow for the mediatization and fetishization of their communities. Yet it would
\nnot be accurate to conclude that they are powerless against the onslaught of
\ntouristification and hallyu media. For one, residents have occasionally risen
\nup against the commodification of their communities, as in the vandalism of
\nartistic murals in Ihwadong in 2016 (Oh 2020). In addition, as one of the most
\nwired nations on Earth, Koreans engage in social media productions across
\nmultiple platforms, and document their neighborhoods and their lives in ways
\nthat diverge significantly from the Instagram posts and hallyu tours. Finally,
\ncommunities host events, gallery shows, media broadcasts and other projects
\nthat constitute genuine place-making, and stake a claim not only to their
\nhomes, but additionally establish what their communities mean (Kim and Son
\n2017; Kang 2023). <\/span><\/p>\n

My perspective on these negotiations is
\none of multimodality, a recent, anthropological turn I have explored through
\nnumerous articles and a recent, co-authored book (Collins and Durington 2024).
\nIn anthropology, multimodality recognizes the anthropological practice in
\nnon-anthropologists as they seek to document, represent their communities, and
\nintervene in the futures of those places. People are ultimately anthropologists
\nof their own lives, and I have helped to develop a methodology that integrates
\nthis insight into a more collaborative, and more de-centered work that
\nconsiders multiple, community-produced media alongside more \u201cofficial\u201d
\nanthropological analysis (Collins and Durington 2015; Collins and Durington
\n2024). Here, I propose looking to neighborhood identity as a collaborative,
\nnegotiated and occasionally fraught negotiation of meaning, place and identity.
\nMy insights have been very much informed by fieldwork – in South Korea and in
\nBaltimore. And it\u2019s these same insights that I propose to bring into the
\nclassroom in a series of methodologically focused, participatory courses that
\ntask students with documenting the anthropologies of their own communities.
\nWhat I hope to accomplish through this research and teaching will ultimately
\nwork towards an understanding of global processes in an age where the physical
\nand the digital occupy overlapping spheres in the lives of people and in the
\nfutures of communities. <\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Precursors<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n

Years ago, I became interested in a general nostalgia for
\nthe narrow streets and claustrophobic spaces of older neighborhoods, including
\n\u201ctaldongne\u201d (<\/span>\ub2ec\ub3d9\ub124<\/span>)\u2014clusters of homes that
\noriginated as unofficial housing in the heavy urban migrations after the Korean
\nWar, and that are characterized by a lack of planning <\/span>and <\/span>infrastructure. Perhaps the
\nmost iconic moment for me was the huge popularity of the \u201cReply 1988\u201d (<\/span>\uc751\ub2f5\ud558\ub77c<\/span> 1988), a nostalgic, family
\ndrama\/comedy that unfolds against the backdrop of the Seoul 1988 Olympics and
\ntakes place in a modest neighborhood of 1970s-era homes and narrow streets. The
\nend of the series finds the old neighborhood abandoned and slated for
\nre-development\u2013and end to a more simple time. Indeed, by the 1970s, many of the
\nresidents of older neighborhoods were being forcibly (and even violently)
\nevicted, and large-scale apartment developments put up in their place. This
\ntrend accelerated through the early 21<\/span>st<\/span><\/sup> century with the establishment of \u201cnew town\u201d developments radically
\ntransforming the urban fabric of multiple South Korean cities. Predictably,
\nperhaps, the disappearance of these older, largely working-class neighborhoods
\nwas accompanied by a longing for community and an appreciation for these
\norganic, eclectic spaces, in dramatic contrast to the huge developments that
\nnow house the majority of people in Korea. \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

That
\nnostalgia extends across multiple media, from television and film to webtoons,
\ngames and apps\u2014and, of course, social media, where the search for selfies and
\nmore aesthetic photography sends millions of domestic and international
\ntourists to the few, extant working-class neighborhoods in search of the
\nperfect pictures for their Instagram accounts. In my 2014-2015 fieldwork, I
\nanalyzed numerous \u201calleyway\u201d social media accounts, and set off with local
\nphotography clubs (1 Korean, 1 Korean and non-Korean), taking pictures of
\nnarrow streets, rusted grates and broken latticework. Globally, the neighborhoods
\nare iconic, connoting \u201cKorea\u201d even as their existence fades from Korea\u2019s urban
\nfabric; it would be difficult to find a k-drama that didn\u2019t have some romantic
\nmoment set in one of these places. Yet the vast majority of Koreans have never
\nlived in them. <\/span><\/p>\n

Nevertheless
\nsome neighborhoods still remain. My previous work in Seoul coincided with a
\nperiod of relative openness in the form of urban regeneration policies that
\nwere just beginning under the leadership of then-Mayor Park Won Soon (Nam and
\nLee 2023). Through government programs, non-profits and museum exhibitions,
\npeople in Seoul looked to these communities as something that deserved, at
\nleast, some measure of preservation\u2013in sharp distinction to the policies of
\nPark\u2019s predecessors that had accelerated the frenetic pace of urban
\nredevelopment. Along with this came calls for a more textured and genuine urban
\nlife where people might develop attachments to each other and to their neighborhoods
\n(Lee 2011). Along the way, new public spaces, sidewalks, and parks were all
\nconstructed to make Seoul a more livable city. <\/span><\/p>\n

Yet,
\npeople in older neighborhoods must still negotiate with the combination of
\ntouristification and gentrification that have encroached upon their lives.
\nTouristification in the form of busloads of people coming to neighborhoods that
\nwere once avoided by non-residents, and gentrification in the form of up-scale
\nteashops and bars that have grown up in \u201cedgy\u201d and \u201cartistic\u201d areas. There are
\na variety of means to resist these forces, but I became interested in the ways
\nthat residents have utilized diverse media in order to form
\ncounter-representations of life that contest the romantic commodification from
\ntourism and, to some extent, from the state. YouTube, film and podcasts are
\ngenerated alongside print magazines, gallery shows and other events in order to
\ngive voice to residents and to underline their placemaking. The irony here\u2014and
\nthere are many ironies\u2014is that, in their resistance, residents are
\ninstantiating the very community ethos over which people and media have waxed
\nnostalgic.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

<\/p>\n<\/div>\n\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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