![\"\"](\"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/criticallegalthinking.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/11\/Kneecap_Westminster1_small.jpg?resize=800%2C485&ssl=1\")
<\/figure>\nWe know the genocide in Gaza is a collective work, a sort of F35 genocide whose parts come from an imperial collective, a collective of old colonial states now led by the USA. So the denial of genocide, at least of its naming, is also shared by these states across the Imperial collective. Within this sharing of denial, the Gaza genocide dredges out the particularities of the colonial history of each of its participating states in their \u2018post colonial\u2019 present. Here in Britain the genocide in its denial has led to possibly the largest and most sustained social mobilisation in its history. A scale of mobilisation met by a scale of repression that has opened up its contradictions of state. A post Empire Britain constituted as a liberal democracy, yet as a liberal state that overlays a colonial state with its imperial trajectory. Rap opens up the faultlines between them. Through rappers such as Bob Vylan and Kneecap, an insurgent rap tells us why the scale of killing in Gaza is not only bound with our own repression but also coincides with a rising fascism at home. Rap entwines these. The writing here is to show us how and why. If the disciplines of discourse are exhausted by horror and impunity, rap by its strictures of rhyme and \u2018slanguage\u2019 carves open raw space in a time when the disintegration of the liberal state is on show as openly as the transparency of a genocide.\u00a0<\/p>\n
I<\/p>\n
\n
This country\u2019s in dire need of a fucking spanking, mate\u2026\u00a0
Yeah, and kill the fucking queen<\/em>,\u2026[i]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\nSo say the lyrics from a track\u00a0England\u2019s Ending<\/em>\u00a0in Bob Vylan\u2019s 2020 album\u00a0We Live Here.<\/em><\/p>\n
No-one cared. In\u00a0The Price of Life<\/em>\u00a0album 2022 which won Bob Vylan multiple awards, the rap in\u00a0Wicked and Bad\u00a0<\/em>goes,<\/p>\n
\nLet\u2019s go dig up Maggie\u2019s grave and ask her where that milk went
Down to storm those Downing doors, run inside and *** them\u2026\u2026
England\u2019s ending, death\u2019s still pending, burn those fucking buildings<\/em>[ii]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\nAgain nothing of concern to the state. Then came the chant at Glastonbury of\u00a0Death death to the IDF<\/em>\u00a0and the sky fell in. To know why is to know the space Israel occupies in the psyche of the West. A place from where Israel as the remaining embodiment of settler-colonialism sanctifies the history and renews the telos of the West. And it\u2019s the telos that has found a revisiting through the genocide in Gaza.\u00a0<\/p>\n
If only Fanon were here with us today. The author of the\u00a0Wretched of the Earth<\/em>\u00a0would cut through the revisionism of our age and the necessity of its maintenance of the colonial relation. The relation that still depends on the primal fear of the colonial settler rooted in a sense of guilt and insecurity in spite of the separation from the dispossessed colonised. The primal fear that, according to Fanon, is not merely a personal or a psychological fear, but something deeper, a fear structured and embedded in the coloniser\u2019s institutions through a moral order by endlessly recalling the innate savagery and violence of the colonised. This recalling requires a stage; today that is Gaza with Hamas as the quintessence of evil.<\/p>\n
Just like the days of old, the stage is set for a Manichean struggle which Israel embodies on our behalf \u2013 as Netanyahu says,\u00a0We are fighting for you<\/em>. The struggle of Israel\u2019s survival is our struggle, the struggle of democratic values being fought for us by the \u2018most moral army in the world\u2019, the IDF.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0<\/p>\n
Here the slogan\u00a0Death, death to the IDF<\/em>\u00a0throws us back into a briar patch of colonial memory, the forgotten slogans by which the colonised, if rhetorically, could force a claim to their freedom through liberation chants of \u2018death to the \u2026<\/em>\u2018.\u00a0The space of the dot, dot, dot enables the naming. The naming is the act.\u00a0For the colonised, liberation is predicated on death,\u00a0the death to free themselves of colonialism as articulated in\u00a0The Wretched of the Earth,<\/em>\u00a0and to enable the birth of a new [man]. Within liberation movements such chants became folkloric.\u00a0I recall\u00a0a march in the financial district of the City of London, in June 1999 that I co-organised where\u00a0WTO Murtabad<\/em>\u00a0(meaning death to the WTO) was chanted by farmers from India[iii]<\/sup><\/a>. A chant against the entry of corporations like Monsanto into indigenous global south markets using rewritten WTO rules. The Corporation of London police who escorted us took no issue. They understood the meaning well. As did the UK Screen Industry with the Bob Vylan chant at this year\u2019s Glastonbury: \u201cSaying \u2018Death to the IDF\u2019 is not a literal threat; it is a call for the dismantling of a brutal military apparatus that is committing war crimes and killing civilians.\u201d[iv]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n
The British state and media though would find more time and imagination for condemnations of the chant \u2013 as with the BBC\u2019s claim of \u2018antisemitic chants\u2019 for which \u2018heads must roll\u2019 \u2013 than for the tens of thousands largely women and children killed or maimed by the IDF. But these tens of thousands of deaths do not affect the affairs of state here; by intent they are partitioned out of our affairs whilst the chant lies within. Which explains an immediate intervention from Kier Starmer, the prime minister, followed by the clamour to ban the rap duo, cancel their gigs, deny travel visas. All this is necessary but naming a process of transparent homicide unprecedented in history is not. This is the dichotomy dragged out into the open by\u00a0a chant in a green field in the greenest of England, sung by the thousands of young white revellers. The death, death\u2026 is not simply about the death of the IDF, but the death of our own\u00a0pretence. The pretence that binds Israel and Britain, as states, in a common project that enables the legitimisation of not only a scale of unaccounted slaughter, but\u00a0forgets how its executor, the IDF,\u00a0came into being by\u00a0the merger of three militias, the Haganah, the Irgun and the Lehi (better known as the Stern Gang). The function of these militias was to fulfil the British Mandate, in effect to dispossess the Palestinians. Two of them, the Irgun and the Stern Gang, were classified as terror organisations when they turned on the British.\u00a0Yet the very same militias can metamorphose into \u201cthe most moral army in the world\u201d. This colonial alchemy mirrors our own alchemy, a colonial Britain with its \u2018surrender\u2019 of Empire to become a liberal post-colonial state. The parallels between them, as colonial alchemies, hold the reasons for the meltdown with the Bob Vylan chant and why measures to silence the rappers are unrelenting.\u00a0<\/p>\n
II<\/p>\n
Rap has always been a way in for the policing of Britain\u2019s minorities. The legacy of the much hated\u00a0Form 696[v]<\/sup><\/a>\u00a0<\/sup>forced on London\u2019s live venues as a way to control black genres is still remembered.\u00a0696 would be\u00a0followed by\u00a0Project Alpha<\/em>[vi]<\/sup><\/a>\u00a0a special investigations unit set up by London\u2019s Met Police to monitor social media for rap, in particular specific genres like drill rap. A\u00a0FOI[vii]<\/sup><\/a>\u00a0(Freedom of Information) request would show how the Met also tried to get YouTube and other platforms to remove drill content; which explains the question posed by the\u00a0Musicians Union,\u00a0can a genre be criminal by its nature?<\/em>[viii]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n
In a national debate on race and identity, following the riots of the summer of 2011, the English historian David Starkey singled out rap as a symptom of England\u2019s social decline whereby a \u201cdestructive, nihilistic gangster culture has become the fashion\u201d. Re-invoking the Enoch Powell\u00a0Rivers of Blood<\/em>\u00a0speech[ix]<\/sup><\/a>\u00a0<\/sup>from 1968, Starkey suggested that it was not so much the black race but that \u201cblack culture would destroy English culture\u201d[x]<\/sup><\/a>. The malaise of Britain today, Starkey pronounced, was that the \u201cwhites have become black\u201d<\/em>. The \u2018whites have become black\u2019<\/em>\u00a0can only be read as a form of rejection, an incapacity to identify with what Britain was or had become. Towards this, the antagonism of rap lay in what it inherently is, does and how it does it. Rap to remind ourselves is a subset of hip hop, an umbrella term that has its synecdoches. Russell Potter\u2019s book on hip hop,\u00a0Spectacular Vernaculars<\/em>\u00a0(1995) referencing De Certeau\u2019s\u00a0bricolage<\/em>\u00a0and Deleuze and Guattari\u2019s\u00a0rhizome\u00a0<\/em>describes hip hop as a \u201ca high-speed dialectical network, in which producers consume, consumers produce\u201d. That is, hip hop hybridises, top down and bottom up. On its \u2018blackness\u2019, Potter writes,\u00a0\u201cIt\u00a0is hard to think of anything less distinctively \u201cblack\u201d than Kraftwerk\u2019s \u201cTrans-Europe Express,\u201d Queen\u2019s \u201cWe Will Rock You,\u201d or Frank Zappa\u2019s \u201cTiny Umbrellas\u201d- yet each in its turn has been claimed by DJs and used to make distinctive and lasting contributions to hip-hop<\/em>\u201d[xi]<\/sup><\/a>. In summary, hip hop functions as a Deleuzian\u00a0assemblage that opens up uncontainable switchboards of cross fertilisation.\u00a0<\/p>\n
Cross-fertilising with anything and everything in the cultural spectrum of Britain, hip hop takes its place in a Britain where\u00a0it may equally be valid to argue that the blacks have become white just as the whites have become black. Yet this is a Britain where, as we see from historians such as Starkey, it becomes easier by the decade to make political capital by racialising crisis, or by placing the blame on a culture alien to the nature of Britain, one that comes inevitably from the colonies. This is the reflex in a nation whose self-image is unchanging whilst its society transforms; a nation whose establishment remains utterly detached from its societal turmoil but maintains its place through that detachment, ever reliant on the use of a Royal Family to sanction itself.\u00a0<\/p>\n
Thus the distinction of a social stratification where the Queen (or King) remains the focal obsession of such a thing as a \u2018national life; a national life pictured as in the days of yesteryear and separated from the realities of common life which can flow with its own groundswell. One has no bearing on the other. This can help towards explaining why the Queen should be the target in rituals of \u2018raging against the system\u2019; as with the punks and Sex Pistols in the 70s, their\u00a0Never Mind the Bollocks<\/em>\u00a0album timed to coincide with national celebrations for the Queen\u2019s Silver Jubilee:<\/p>\n
\nGod save the Queen\/ The fascist regime\/ They made you a moron \/A potential H bomb
God save the Queen \/ She ain\u2019t no human being \/ There is no future \/In England\u2019s dreaming<\/em>[xii]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\nGod Save the Queen<\/em>\u00a0reached the top of the pop charts despite its ban by the BBC. Dumped by one record label after another, arrested by the Met for their own Jubilee celebrations, the Sex Pistols provided enduring material for generations to give vent the same way. Which is exactly what Bob Vylan does with their\u00a0Price of Life<\/em>\u00a0album though it should be noted in harder language yet with less censure than the Sex Pistols. Because the nihilism of\u00a0no future in England\u2019s dreaming<\/em>\u00a0remains but with even less to dream of in a society that for most part lives from pay packet to pay packet, in a now Brexited island extolled to find salvation in the flag.\u00a0<\/p>\n
\nWipe my backside with a St. George\u2019s flag\/ Let the mother country get dicked down\/ Big black dicked down, mm, honey\/ Laugh and joke but there ain\u2019t shit funny
Still catch Oxford grads when they\u2019re buying their coke\/ Make yuppie kids run that money\u2026
<\/em>[chorus]
Burn Britannia, kill the Queen, that\u2019s a vibe\u2026<\/em>[xiii]<\/sup><\/a>
<\/sup><\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\nIII<\/p>\n
There was a time when a post Empire Britain could promise free education, free healthcare, secure housing: the \u2018cradle to grave\u2019 Britain that prided itself on the institution of welfare. Yet within a generation the optimism became mired in the contradictions of capital and class, and riven by strikes, unemployment and recession. Then the Empire struck back. Margaret Thatcher came to power just a few years after the punks with a messianic mission to restore Britain\u2019s greatness. Thatcher\u2019s vision was to turn Britain into a classless nation where no-one would be held back, where everyone could dream to succeed. A vision to be made possible by clearing Britain of its postwar liberal socialism, its labour unions and its welfare society. Thatcher\u2019s use of state violence to eviscerate socialism in a scorched earth way also destroyed the postwar consensus and its safety nets. In their place, Thatcher spoke of a return to values, of self-reliance, thrift and hard work, and specifically of Victorian values. Through a claim to lost values, the destruction of the welfare state merged with a reclamation of Britain\u2019s own lost mission. Values would restore greatness. Thatcherism tied values of a post-class society ruled by the market to a renewed patriotism rooted in Empire that found the opportunity to cement itself through the Falklands war.<\/p>\n
Margaret Thatcher\u2019s formula would prevail Falklands onwards. Yet the vision of a post-class society, the narratives that sold the population into workfare would lead to a more intensely class-ist society, one that in the coming decades forced those it claimed to liberate into a sense of victimhood. A counter racialisation of a white victimhood that would come of age with a subject indispensable to the national politics of today \u2013 the Far Right defender of identity and history. A subject through whom it became possible to reconnect with colonial history without apology. A subject whose making as a demographic became essential to Britain\u2019s place on the world stage for a new era of post-colonial colonial wars also known by its euphemism as the War on Terror. The War on Terror unlike the colonial wars in the days of Empire presented fresh challenges that demanded renewed articulations of an \u2018us\u2019 from the \u2018them\u2019, the \u2018here\u2019 from the \u2018there\u2019. This\u00a0was\u00a0how the primal fear of the colonised could ground itself in domestic society as Enoch Powell had promised.\u00a0In his\u00a0Rivers of Blood<\/em>\u00a0speech, Powell\u00a0narrating through \u2018an ordinary Englishman in an ordinary house\u2019, prophesied that \u201cin 15 or 20 years\u2019 time the black man will have the whip hand over the white man\u201d<\/em>.\u00a0The speech distilled the structural fear that Fanon articulated to apply to a post-colonial Britain. If in Powell\u2019s own time, it was an useful fiction, through the War on Terror it could become a concrete domestic subject: the homegrown terrorist. A subject to embody the perennial fear with an omnipresence in British life, one that in turn casts selective communities as the\u00a0enemy within<\/em>, the means to legitimise new instruments of state.\u00a0<\/p>\n
In the making of these subjects, the rehabilitation of Empire, not moving on from it, became central to the national identity of a post Empire Britain.\u00a0It\u00a0would return us to the absolutism of days gone by, of pure good and evil. It would enable an evolution of a new legal architecture of security and censorship.\u00a0And in that process, it would enable our\u00a0social habituation to the necessities of endless wars and killing.\u00a0By the curation of news footage from Afghanistan to Iraq, Syria, to Libya, a managed diet of colonial killing became the means to preserve and to protect our values, the values of a liberal society.<\/p>\n
\nWho they killing, when they make a killing? \/ Conditions getting worse, ignore the terms and conditions<\/em>\u00a0
[chorus]\u00a0
Can you hear me through the white noise? \/ Can you hear me through the white noise?<\/em>[xiv]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\nThe lyrics from Bob Vylan and metalcore artist Bad Omens are on the terms and conditions that most do not have to read. Which is how we are naturalised under the umbrella of the liberal state just as the white noise of everyday life is saturated with announcements to keep us awake to the omnipresent enemy within:\u00a0See it \/ Say it \/ Sorted<\/em>[xv]<\/sup><\/a>. At every station platform and every carriage, every train, every ten minutes or so.<\/p>\n
IV<\/strong><\/p>\n
The battleground of the state versus rap is at its most intense in the pursuit of the Belfast rappers Kneecap. We are outside the pavement at\u00a0Westminster Magistrates Court\u00a0whilst Mo Chara of Kneecap is inside facing terrorism charges \u2013 for picking up a flag thrown at them in a concert and waving it. The flag happened to be a Hezbullah flag, one of ever-increasing number of proscribed organisations in Britain: the Britain of today where any casual reference to a banned group, a sign, a gesture falls under the remit of its terrorism laws. The terror charge against Mo Chara, in time, in another court hearing, would be thrown out only for the state to file an appeal. The state\u2019s determination to target Kneecap lies is how every performance of theirs strikes a raw nerve in the colonial psyche, the one that connects Ireland and Palestine through paramilitaries and genocides. When the Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC) was disbanded on Ireland\u2019s independence in 1922, the notoriously brutal paramilitary, the Black and Tans were sent north to the town of Newtownards near Belfast, the part of Ireland retained by Britain. There the RIC could be rebranded as the RUC (Royal Ulster Constabulary). Newtownards became the recruitment hub for Palestine which Britain had acquired through the 1922 Mandate. Thus the British Palestine Gendarmerie created by Winston Churchill began with the Black and Tans, who also went by the name of Winston\u2019s Boys. In the immortal words of Ronald Storrs, the Governor of Jerusalem, the intention to set up a \u2018loyal Jewish Ulster\u2019 was stated openly.<\/p>\n
Richard Andrew Cahill\u2019s essay \u201cGoing Beserk\u201d:\u201cBlack and Tans\u201d in Palestine<\/em>[xvi]<\/sup><\/a>\u00a0<\/sup>gives us a picture of their time in Palestine. The Ulsterman Douglas Duff as the Police Inspector for Jerusalem established the snatch squads and pseudo-gangs that would serve as models for Zionist militias to come. Duff left his legacy with term \u201cduffing up<\/em>\u201d at the time slang for techniques of torture without leaving physical marks. David\u00a0Ben Gurion who founded the Haganah as an underground militia group at the very start of the British mandate in 1920 writes that,<\/em>\u00a0\u201chundreds of Hagana members received partial military training, with the aid of the British Army, and the lessons were passed on in secret to thousands of others both inside and outside the ranks of the force which remained until the end of the British Mandate\u201d[xvii]<\/sup><\/a>. In particular, Ben Gurion would describe the forming of the dreaded SNS (Special Night Squads) as the\u00a0\u201cmost successful and complete co-operation between the Jews and the British\u201d. After the\u00a0Nakba<\/em>\u00a0and the declaration of the state of Israel, Ben Gurion would become its President just as the Haganah would become the backbone of the IDF.<\/p>\n
It\u2019s hard to imagine how shaping of the IDF or IOF (Israeli Occupation Forces) could be possible without the RUC and British recruitment from Ireland; as a reminder, the artist Tadhg Hickey flew in from Belfast to support Kneecap with a rendition outside the court house of the Irish folk song\u00a0Go on Home British soldiers Go on Home<\/em>[xviii]<\/sup><\/a>; lyrics updated to address the current genocide.\u00a0<\/p>\n
The RUC was disbanded on paper after the 1998 Good Friday agreement to follow the RIC into history but the nature of their work continues through the IOF and IDF. The acronyms RIC, RUC, IOF, IDF form a continuum in a process of colonial renewal from one place to another through militias and genocides. It\u2019s a process we know better thanks to the chants of rappers. Irrespective of the number of terror charges and cancelled concerts, Kneecap drive at the same spot, an inner sanctum of the colonial, where the acronyms that do the dirty work century to century are made, the work that drives the colonial genocides that then renews the foundational fear Fanon identified which in turn legitimises the moral order it rests upon. This is the cycle that rap pulls out for us from the compound of history. It is the same cycle that also demands the making of subjects to play the part of Winston\u2019s Boys, now for a domestic austerity,\u00a0to fly the flag in neighbourhood streets and paint red crosses on roundabouts just as the state passes one repressive law after another. On how these things are entwined, only rap will express, in its own way.<\/p>\n
\nKemi ya wally \/ Maggie is still sleeping in her box\u00a0
\/You don\u2019t care about which race \/\u00a0\u00a0You just care about gimme that<\/em>[xix]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\nThe lines are from the\u00a0Kneecap the\u00a0Recap<\/em>\u00a0a release in response to attempts to defund the Belfast rappers. Slanguage aside, the rap unpacks the Thatcherite and colonial legacies woven into the normality that naturalises austerity just as it racialises its symptoms. Kemi is Kemi Badenoch who tries to withhold state grants to Kneecap and is the present leader of the Conservative party. A politician of Nigerian origin, Badenoch disavows her Nigerian identity and in response to criterion for migration to Britain suggests that,\u00a0\u201cnot all cultures are equally valid\u201d<\/em>[xx]<\/sup><\/a>. The rationale that once legitimated nineteenth century settler colonialism and sustained an apartheid state in South Africa now has electoral currency; values from colonial time are re-packaged and rebranded whereby the means to power in the twenty-first century depend on the same values that enabled the scramble for Africa in the nineteeth. Which tells us that colonialism is not a historical phenomenon that is behind us but one facing us. The flipping of the colonial sandglass became materially possible through the\u00a0production of necessary subjects\u00a0whose making is not so much an organic social evolution, but\u00a0instead comes from an\u00a0exploitation of the state\u2019s own social fabric. It was Margaret Thatcher who cleared the pathway using the toolkit of the liberal state itself. In an interview as Conservative leader[xxi]<\/sup><\/a>\u00a0before she came to power, one that is somehow more contemporary than it was forty years ago, Thatcher laid out the ground work through a conjugation of unions and immigrants but her weapon of choice was always the discourse of values. By instrumentalising values, her work would begin with eradicating the [working] class antagonism from society, to remove its political base, the trade unions and the labour movement, and sell off its habitat, social housing; that is, to neutralise it as a form of political subjectivity. But as we have seen with class, neutralisation does not mean disappearance; instead it is how a production line of subjects for a new kind of reserve army could come into being, or in effect,\u00a0how an old colonial nation can renew itself as a new colonial state.<\/p>\n
V<\/strong>\u00a0<\/p>\n
The repression necessitated by collusion and denial of genocide has pushed the state to a point where it teeters on the edge, unable to go further without rendering the very idea of a liberal order meaningless. Yet ever faithful to its practices, it seeks to save itself by sedating its own population through further expansion of its terror laws. Which is why retired pensioners from the shires are bundled into police vans under the terrorism act, just as rappers are pursued by the same laws.\u00a0Rap\u2019s capacity for intervention in this time has lineage through a dimension of its own making, gangsta rap.\u00a0As Eithne Quinn explains it in the Black Music Research Journal[xxii]<\/sup><\/a>, gangsta rap with its rejection of the assimilationist ethic, its steadfast use of hardcore emerged as a way to break out of the \u2018burden of representation\u2019 and to force a change in the\u00a0modus operandi<\/em>\u00a0of its own industry. Gangsta rap made it possible to top the Billboard charts \u201con your own terms\u201d; it told us commercial success did not mean selling out your values. NWA\u2019s\u00a0Fu*k the Police<\/em>. Public Enemy\u2019s\u00a0Fight the Power<\/em>. To what end is contentious but rap pushes us onto the terrain of our making as subjects. It digs up the layers of our making, throwing them up as cutting memes. How they fall and the connections they make is beyond anyone\u2019s calculation. Thus, just as in a reactionary imaginary, it can turn \u2018whites into blacks\u2019, rap hybridises, synergises in ways the state can not deal with, given what it is predicated on: the recursive colonial narratives it must renew for another chapter of its time to come. This is what rap in its insurgent sense is antithetical to. As a form of antagonism, rap points to a fundamentally different process of our production as subjects, wherein the state\u2019s instrumentalisation of values for narratives of colonial renewal become valueless. It is how rap frees itself to tell us that the recursive narratives that enable a genocide by denial are also to reproduce us as subjects. To tell us that our movement against a colonial genocide is not only about Palestine but also for a fundamentally different process of our own making.<\/p>\n
Siraj Izhar is an artist and activist. His writings are at\u00a0amplife.org<\/a><\/p>\n
End notes:\u00a0<\/p>\n
\n[i]<\/a>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0Bob Vylan\u00a0England\u2019s Ending<\/em>\u00a0Album\u00a0We Live Here\u00a0<\/em>2020 online:\u00a0Youtube<\/a><\/p>\n
[ii]<\/a>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0Bob Vylan\u00a0Wicked & Bad<\/em>\u00a0Album\u00a0The Price Of Life<\/em>\u00a02022\u00a0online:\u00a0Youtube<\/a><\/p>\n
[iii]<\/a>\u00a0\u00a0Peoples Global Action (PGA) UK Caravan march June 1999, anon interview at\u00a0PGA Oral History<\/a><\/p>\n
[iv]<\/a>\u00a0\u00a0UK Screen Industry quoted by the\u00a0Guardian<\/a>\u00a030 June 2025\u00a0<\/p>\n
[v]<\/a>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0What was Form 696?<\/em>\u00a0November 2021\u00a0Horniman Museum<\/a><\/p>\n
[vi]<\/a>\u00a0\u00a0Project Alpha FOI request reference no:\u00a001.FOI.23.030443<\/a><\/p>\n
[vii]<\/a>\u00a0Removal of drill or rap videos from social networks FOI request reference no:\u00a001.FOI.24.035643<\/a>\u00a0\u00a0<\/p>\n
[viii]<\/a>\u00a0Why Are Drill Rappers Criminalised for Making Music?<\/em>\u00a0November 2020\u00a0Musicians Union<\/a><\/p>\n
[ix]<\/a>\u00a0\u00a0Enoch Powell speech, Conservative Association meeting in Birmingham, April 20 1968 Readable\u00a0online<\/a><\/p>\n
[x]<\/a>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0David Starkey, BBC iPlayer \u2013 Newsnight 12-08-2011 section online\u00a0BBC<\/a><\/p>\n
[xi]<\/a>\u00a0\u00a0Russell A. Potter,\u00a0Spectacular Vernaculars: Hip-Hop and the Politics of Postmodernism<\/em>, State University of New York Press, 1995 Readable\u00a0chapter<\/a>\u00a0online<\/p>\n
[xii]<\/a>\u00a0Sex Pistols\u00a0God Save The Queen<\/em>\u00a0from album\u00a0Never Mind the Bollocks<\/em>\u00a01977\u00a0available\u00a0on\u00a0Youtube<\/a><\/p>\n
[xiii]<\/a>\u00a0Bob Vylan\u00a0Take That<\/em>\u00a0Album\u00a0The Price Of Life<\/em>\u00a02022\u00a0online:\u00a0Youtube<\/a><\/p>\n
[xiv]<\/a>\u00a0Bad Omens x Bob Vylan,\u00a0Terms and Conditions<\/em>\u00a02024 online:\u00a0Youtube<\/a><\/p>\n
[xv]<\/a>\u00a0See, Say it, Sorted<\/em>\u00a0announcements, recording samples on\u00a0Youtube<\/a><\/p>\n
[xvi]<\/a>\u00a0Richard Andrew Cahill,\u00a0\u201cGoing Beserk\u201d:\u201cBlack and Tans\u201d in Palestine<\/em>, Jerusalem Quarterly
Issue. 38, Summer 2009 online at\u00a0Institute for Palestine Studies<\/a><\/p>\n[xvii]<\/a>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0David Ben Gurion,\u00a0Britain\u2019s Contribution to Arming the Hagana<\/em>, Jewish Observer and the Middle East Review, September 20, 1963 pp. 13-14\u00a0<\/p>\n
[xviii]<\/a>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0Tadhg Hickey\u00a0Go On Home, British Soldiers,\u00a0<\/em>lyrics online at\u00a0Instagram<\/a><\/p>\n
[xix]<\/a>\u00a0Kneecap the Recap<\/em>\u00a0Ft. Mozey (Bootleg Version) 2025 on\u00a0Soundcloud<\/a><\/p>\n
[xx]<\/a>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0Kemi Badenoch, \u201cnot all cultures are equally valid<\/em>\u201c, quote and commentary in the\u00a0Guardian<\/a>\u00a029 September 2024<\/p>\n
[xxi]<\/a>\u00a0Margaret Thatcher, Interview for Granada TV,\u00a0World in Action<\/em>,\u00a0January 1978. Transcript online at\u00a0Margaret Thatcher Foundation<\/a><\/p>\n
[xxii]<\/a>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0Eithne Quinn, Black British Cultural Studies and the Rap on Gangsta, Black Music Research Journal, Vol. 20, No. 2, University of Illinois Press 2000 Readable\u00a0online<\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n