{"id":279727,"date":"2025-06-07T17:08:53","date_gmt":"2025-06-07T17:08:53","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/peraltafinancing.com\/uncategorized\/on-the-making-of-the-republic\/"},"modified":"2025-06-07T17:08:53","modified_gmt":"2025-06-07T17:08:53","slug":"on-the-making-of-the-republic","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/fivemor.com\/?p=279727","title":{"rendered":"On the Making of ‘The Republic’"},"content":{"rendered":"


\n<\/p>\n

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James Romm, Plato and the Tyrant: The Fall of Greece\u2019s Greatest Dynasty and the Making of a Philosophic Masterpiece<\/a>. Norton, 2025. $31.99. 368 pp.<\/p>\n

<\/p>\n

\u201cI\u00a0went down yesterday to the Peiraeus\u00a0with Glaucon, the son of Ariston\u2026\u201d So opens<\/span><\/a> one of Plato\u2019s best known dialogues, The Republic<\/em>. All but one of Plato\u2019s dialogues involve Socrates, Plato\u2019s revered teacher, conversing at length on a particular topic with several other individuals. The people, places, and settings sound plausible. And yet, composed decades after Socrates\u2019s death in 399 BC, but set ostensibly decades earlier, Plato\u2019s works generally have a fantastical whiff to them. They exist in an Athens that sounds very much like the one we know (cue the road to Peiraeus), they involve real people whose history we know as well, somewhere in Athens in the 410s perhaps, yet these conversations themselves never happened, or at least not in this format. The people are merely a conduit to the ideas.<\/p>\n

These ideas about justice and the ideal state have held sway for two and a half millennia now. It is difficult to overstate the importance of Plato\u2019s Republic<\/em> for Western civilization and philosophy. \u201cIt stands at the center of the Western cultural canon; a 2016 survey of college syllabuses found Republic <\/em>to be the most widely required text at top American schools. Its historical influence has been immense.\u201d But are this dialogue\u2019s ideas all there is to it?\u00a0<\/p>\n

It is easy to read philosophy as existing outside of time and space. We should study Plato\u2019s ideas about justice, consider the merits of his proposals, and leave aside the ostensible historical context. It\u2019s all garnish, right? Except, what if it isn\u2019t? What if we accept that philosophers are people too? And then, what if we entertain the possibility that Plato\u2019s Republic<\/em>\u2014the master teacher\u2019s most famous exploration of the ideal state, its rulers, and the pursuit of justice\u2014was the product of its author\u2019s real experiences and investigations over the course of decades? And what if this historical baggage that accompanied the real live Plato as he was writing these ideas, influenced the work he produced? Shouldn\u2019t this inform how we read it today? That is the argument classicist and ancient historian James Romm presents in his wonderfully researched yet no less accessible exploration, Plato and the Tyrant: The Fall of Greece\u2019s Greatest Dynasty and the Making of a Philosophic Masterpiece<\/em>.\u00a0<\/p>\n

At the heart of this project is a set of texts that most historians have considered \u201ctoo hot to handle\u201d: Plato\u2019s letters. Wait, Plato wrote letters? They don\u2019t teach you this in classics graduate school, I can confirm. My reading list for the PhD exams was extensive and included Republic<\/em> in its entirety… in Greek. That same list did not include any of Plato\u2019s letters.<\/p>\n

And yet, thirteen letters that are attributed to Plato survive. Romm accepts five of them as genuine, because they \u201care long, yet remarkably true to the language of Plato\u2019s time and to known historical facts. We can either imagine a forger who possessed AI-level skills, or, more plausibly, believe that the letters\u2019 author was Plato.\u201d Crucially, while the letters offer particularly powerful personal evidence, much of the information they include is attested elsewhere, including in Plutarch. As a result, the story Romm tells is not all hanging on this one source of evidence.<\/p>\n

With this evidence in mind, instead of strolling down to the Peiraeus with Socrates, we\u2019re off on a ship with Plato himself, sailing from Athens to Syracuse, the majestic Sicilian city, ruled by the tyrant Dionysius I, who (those closest to him believe) is much in need of a solid philosophical education. And Plato was in need of further field research on different sorts of government, so the timing was perfect.\u00a0<\/p>\n

Plato had just begun writing the Republic<\/em> before his first visit to Syracuse in 388 or 387 BC. He would continue writing and revising this treatise for decades\u2014much of the rest of his life. \u201cThe ideas it explored, about the kind of government Greek cities needed, were informed by Plato\u2019s contact with the greatest city of his day. But these ideas had also led him to make that contact, in a search for new models of rule. Plato\u2019s evolving political theories, and his role in political practices in Syracuse, are strands that intertwined through much of his life, each crossing over the other.\u201d\u00a0<\/p>\n

In Syracuse, Plato got to observe first-hand a form of government much despised throughout the Greek world\u2014tyranny. While kings were rulers who had inherited power legitimately, tyrants were rulers who had come to power in some extra-legal way\u2014whether via a more peaceful coup or the assassination or ousting of previous rulers, for instance. Athens had its own brief experience with tyrants\u2014Peisistratus and then his two sons in the second half of the 6th<\/sup> century BC. It didn\u2019t end well\u2014a monument glorifying the tyrant-killers was set up in the Agora as a memento that the Athenians definitely didn\u2019t want to go there<\/em> again. But what if somewhere else the tyrant might be more enlightened? What if a tyrant were willing to submit to quality geometric education of the sort Plato considered foundational for character formation? Might not the story turn out differently? It seemed worth investigating, at any rate. Besides, at home, democracy wasn\u2019t looking too stable or just.\u00a0<\/p>\n

The Athens of Plato\u2019s own day was a direct democracy that had weathered some oligarchic challenges over the previous few decades. Towards the end of the fifth century BC, during the Peloponnesian War, the democracy was overthrown not once but twice. Each time, the oligarchic coup was very short-lived, and democracy was restored by the people. But Plato\u2019s unease with democracy is palpable throughout his body of work\u2014and his oligarchic family connections are no secret. Critias, one of the bloodthirsty Thirty Tyrants (the leader of the second of the two coups that briefly overthrew the Athenian democracy), was Plato\u2019s cousin\u2014\u201cthe son of his grandfather\u2019s brother.\u201d He was also a student of Socrates\u2014and the association likely played a part in the willingness of the Athenians to sentence the seventy-year-old Socrates to death in 399 BC, just four years after the restoration of democracy.\u00a0<\/p>\n

Maybe Critias didn\u2019t learn justice from Socrates, but this didn\u2019t stop Plato from continuing to advocate for the master\u2019s educational model or something inspired by it in Republic<\/em>. True philosophers learn over a lifetime to behold the Forms as they truly are. It all starts, though, with a solid fifteen-year curriculum that Plato outlines: \u201cTheir advanced education would start at age twenty with mathematics, geometry (both planar and solid), and theoretical astronomy, subjects to be pursued for ten years. At age thirty, they would move on to dialectic, the capstone of philosophic study, which would occupy five more years.\u201d If they keep up with self-education, by age fifty they will be able to behold the Forms.\u00a0<\/p>\n

Has Plato already articulated these basic ideas by the time of his first visit to Syracuse, to the elder Dionysius? Perhaps. At any rate, Dionysius did not prove a receptive student, although he appreciated the prestige that hosting a famous philosopher of Plato\u2019s caliber brought upon him. This initial visit, though, was volatile, and possibly concluded with Dionysius briefly selling Plato into slavery\u2014as one of the letters suggests. At any rate, witnessing first-hand the injustice of life under the rule of a capricious and violent tyrant brought back memories of the Tyranny of the Thirty in Athens to Plato. This experience is perhaps reflected in Republic<\/em>\u2014indeed, several of the characters in the Republic<\/em> are individuals who (Plato\u2019s readers would have known) had been killed by the Thirty. In other words, \u201cPlato deliberately stocks the cast of Republic<\/em>, an inquiry into justice, with future victims of extreme in<\/em>justice.\u201d<\/p>\n

Once the elder Dionysius had departed this world in 367 BC, though, there was a new hope: what if his son and namesake would prove more virtuous? Plato returns probably twice more to Syracuse, as a result, to try and educate this younger tyrant. Alas, the son proves even less friendly to the study of philosophy than the father. He appears not to have been a fan of geometry either, poor chap. Furthermore, the younger Dionysius takes umbrage at Plato\u2019s closeness with the Syracusan Dion, his uncle. Dion earns an exile from Syracuse for a long time, and when he returns, it is as part of a complicated scheme of civic strife and a general attempt at restoration of semi-popular rule in the city. Plato somehow finds himself embroiled in all this unpleasant business, and it continues to affect his reworking of the Republic<\/em>.\u00a0<\/p>\n

In Socrates\u2019s vision of the ideal city, \u201cA philosopher might become king, or a king might become a philosopher. Only in these two ways, Republic<\/em> asserts, can the troubles of the human race be cured.\u201d In Syracuse, Plato clearly had hoped to see a king become a philosopher\u2014although perhaps the king suspected that the philosopher was aiming at his own powers as king. In any case, the result, as Romm tells it, is a reminder that history can be more dramatic than any fiction we could possibly imagine. I will not spoil the story for you. Suffice it to say, there is plenty of sex, drunken orgies, political intrigue, and murder\u2014all the unfortunate alternatives to the study of geometry and the better things to which it leads the virtuous mind after a decade of earnest effort.<\/p>\n

All of this meant, needless to say, that the philosopher didn\u2019t become a king at the end\u2014and the king definitely didn\u2019t become a philosopher. By 354 BC, a disillusioned septuagenarian Plato was working on the final magnum opus of his life, Laws<\/em>. There he \u201cturned away from his idealistic belief that knowledge of Justice could make people want to be just, even if the rewards of injustice were greater. He focused on making better laws than better souls.\u201d\u00a0\u00a0<\/p>\n

This conclusion of a brilliant life seems anticlimactic, yet that is in part the point. Studying Plato\u2019s ideas with two and a half millennia of distance, we tend to flatten the thinker\u2019s processes. We forget that real people evolve over the course of a lifetime, that they may change their ideas, and that more often than not, it is personal experiences that shape these switches of positions. At the same time, there is a discouraging reminder here that public intellectuals can only have so much sway over those in political power. Here was Plato, hoping to influence first one tyrant and then his son. And in both cases, to no avail. But was this work a total waste of time?<\/p>\n

Perhaps in his most negative moments, Plato thought so. Yet the unusual conclusion of Republic <\/em>perhaps makes much better sense after reading Romm\u2019s backstory to the making of the book. Republic<\/em> concludes with an unusual tale: Socrates relates the Myth of Er about the journey of the human soul. Er was an Athenian soldier who was killed in battle, and on the day of his funeral, his soul was sent back to the land of the living with a message of encouragement to them to persevere in the virtues, no matter what. With a reiteration of this same advice, Socrates concludes the dialogue<\/span><\/a>:\u00a0<\/p>\n

\n

Wherefore my counsel is that we hold fast ever to the heavenly way and follow after justice and virtue always, considering that the soul is immortal and able to endure every sort of good and every sort of evil. Thus shall\u00a0we live dear to one another and to the gods, both while remaining here\u00a0and when, like conquerors in the games who go round to gather gifts, we\u00a0receive our reward. And it shall be well with us both in this life and\u00a0in the pilgrimage of a thousand years which we have been describing.<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n

Justice and virtue are transcendent goods that are good<\/em> in an ultimate sense. This much Plato could see, and after intellectually wrestling with tyrants for nearly four decades, in this he found comfort. Seven-hundred years later, Christian Neoplatonists and other Christian readers of Plato will find fruitful ground to build on here.\u00a0\u00a0<\/p>\n<\/div>\n\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

James Romm, Plato and the Tyrant: The Fall of Greece\u2019s Greatest Dynasty and the Making of a Philosophic Masterpiece. 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